不祥事を起こしたアンドリュー・クオモ前知事は、プランデミックの初期にニューヨーク州の保健当局に圧力をかけ、コビッド・19の死亡者数を人為的に増加させた役割を果たしたため、軍の拘束を受け、軍事裁判を受けることになりました。
8月15日（日）、JAGの権限下にある米海軍特殊部隊が、ニューヨーク州イーストハンプトンにあるクオモ氏の賃貸物件でクオモ氏を逮捕した。JAGのスポークスマンがRRNに語ったところによると、シールズに死傷者は出なかったが、クオモ氏のボディガード2人を取り押さえなければならなかったが、シールズは非殺傷で無力化したという。
夜明け前の襲撃で、ベッドで眠っていたクオモ氏は不意を突かれ、目を開けると重装備のシールズ6名が見下ろしているのを見て、「ああ、くそ」とつぶやいたという。シールズはクオモ氏を手錠で拘束し、屋外に連れ出した後、無印のバンに押し込んだとのことです。
「彼は、GITMOに移送されるまで、軍の収容施設に入れられた」と情報源は付け加えた。
これは、クオモ前知事が老人ホームやホスピスに指示して、比較的健康な高齢者を移動式の冷蔵死体安置所に入れさせていたという報道があったためで、この18輪車はパンデミック以前は冷凍食品や野菜を全米に輸送するのに使われていた。 クオモ氏は、ブルックリンにある冷蔵輸送サービス会社「BZSトランスポーテーション」の株式を大量に保有していることが判明した。
「これらの人々の多くは、Covid-19を持っていませんでした。PCR検査も行われていませんでした。多くの人は高齢者で、Covidとは関係のない別の病気を患っていましたが、クオモはロックダウンを実施したかったのです。彼は間接的に、生きている人たちを冷凍食品のトラックに入れて凍死させたのです」と情報源は語っています。
さらに、JAGはクオモ氏が、老人ホームや病院がコビット以外の死亡原因をコビット19に帰さなければ、州の資金援助を停止すると脅したという反論の余地のない証拠を入手しました。その結果、クオモ氏の命令で何千件もの死亡証明書が偽造された。心臓発作、銃で撃たれた人、溺れた人、雷に打たれた人、交通事故による死亡者、薬物の過剰摂取など、すべてがCovid-19のせいにされたのです。
情報源によれば、軍は長い間クオモの逮捕を求めてきたが、最近まで、痴漢をしている元知事はディープステートの十分な保護を受けていたという。
「彼は絶縁されており、単純に捕まえてしまうにはあまりにも目立ちすぎていた」と情報源は言う。
しかし、16人の女性がクオモ氏のセクハラを告発し、辞任に追い込まれたことで、クオモ氏の保護は一気に解消されました。それまで親密な関係にあった人々が突然彼を見捨て、ディープステートの保護が足元から崩れていったのです。記者会見やテレビでジョー・バイデンを演じている俳優のアーサー・ロバーツでさえ、クオモの辞任を要求した。要するに、彼はオオカミに放り出されたのだ。
「逮捕するには絶好の機会だと思った」と関係者は言う。
クオモはおそらく、尋問され、自白の機会を与えられた後、GITMOに送られるだろう。しかし、もし彼が軍に逮捕された他のディープ・ステートの工作員のように、「命令に従っただけだ」と主張して、銃殺隊や絞首台に送られる可能性が高いだろう。
訂正します。逮捕されたのは8月7日ではなく、8月15日でした。誤りをお詫びいたします。
www.DeepL.com/Translator（無料版）で翻訳しました。
The Seduction of Mario Cuomo
January 14, 1992
The most disturbing mystery surrounding the saga of Donald’s brief career as a football phenom was the questions it raised about his curious, yet unmistakably compelling, influence at the highest levels of the Cuomo administration. Vincent Tese was no renegade commissioner, in fact no one in Mario Cuomo’s government was in closer touch with him. And the Urban Development Corporation’s supine performance for Trump had its equivalents in other state agencies on matters wholly unrelated to the stadium, especially at the State Transportation Department, which championed Trump’s agenda in planning improvements on the West Side Highway, adjacent to Donald’s 60th Street yards.
Donald had long had a special knack for ingratiating himself with public officials, but Mario Cuomo was not just another inviting political target. Donald’s penetration of the Cuomo inner circle was a textbook case in seduction, and his compromising relationship with the administration would last even into the months of Trump’s collapse in 1990. Other than Tese’s golf dates with Donald in Florida and New York, there was little of a personal touch to the mutually beneficial Cuomo/Trump arrangement. It was all business.
What made Cuomo such an unusual government target for Trump was that when he defeated Ed Koch for governor in 1982, he ran against virtually every monied interest in New York politics, most of whom, like Donald, rallied to Koch because of his 30- to 40-point lead in the early polls. And almost from the moment he became governor, there was an extraordinary undercurrent about the dignified and brilliant Cuomo that marked him as a man who might be President. His speech at the 1984 Democratic Convention transformed this onetime unarticulated presidential murmur into so persistent a question it became, both at home and occasionally across the country, a Democratic preoccupation. This national fascination helped Cuomo become, through the eighties and into the nineties, the master of New York politics, isolated from the pack by his deliberate hermetic style, a recluse in Albany whose intelligence and rhetorical passion were seen only in glimpses.
Part of Cuomo’s above-the-fray appeal was his religion. It wasn’t just that he was a Catholic; his predecessor, Hugh Carey, was Catholic enough to have twelve children, yet no one ever thought of him as a man to whom morality was a mission. Cuomo publicly wrestled with the Lord, weighing the heaviest questions of life and death as if it was the responsibility of a leader to help the people to understanding. He talked soaringly about values. He invoked Saint Thomas More as his guardian, a man who died for a principle. This spiritual quality, combined with the hometown presidential hopes that seemed to last forever, insulated him from inspection and criticism like no other public figure in the state.
From the beginning of the Cuomo reign, the insiders who bankrolled and benefited from the government game were studying the new Albany team, looking for weaknesses, waiting for messages, hunting for opportunities. They read every signal, interpreted every nuance, and none did it better than Donald. Figuring Cuomo out was a riddle for Donald, finding a path to him was a necessity.
Trump knew he had a bit of history going for him. In 1958, Mario Cuomo had joined his first law firm — Brooklyn’s Comer, Weisbrod, Froeb and Charles. Senior partner Richard Charles, who became Cuomo’s mentor at the small firm, had already been representing Fred Trump for decades, and Cuomo was assigned as a young associate to help with the Trump work. Fabian Palamino, then a young associate with Cuomo who became his counsel as governor, remembers their travels out to Fred Trump’s headquarters on Avenue Ζ for business lunches at which Trump dished out the cheese sandwiches himself.
When Cuomo became Hugh Carey’s running mate in 1978 and was elected lieutenant governor, Trump contributed $4000 to his minuscule campaign committee. While Trump had backed Koch in the 1982 race, he’d called Cuomo’s old friend and finance chairman, Bill Stern, on October 11, 1982, and made a $3500 donation for the general election.
Trump did not contribute again to the Cuomo committee until November 13, 1984, a month after the stadium project was approved and a month before he submitted his own plan. Several Trump business entities combined that day to give the Friends of Mario Cuomo $15,000 — making Trump one of the top donors at Cuomo’s annual fund-raiser. Cuomo had personally approved Trump’s invitation that August to serve on the campaign committee’s board of advisers. The board was formed as “a permanent finance committee” of thirty to fifty prestigious individuals, from every major region and industry in the state, to raise a minimum of $30,000 each at Cuomo’s dinner.
But the contributions were merely door openers. Donald was looking for the right insider who could get him beyond access. All he had to do, it turned out, was look at the top of the governor’s fund-raising apparatus, just as he had in 1975 when he recruited Carey’s finance chief, Louise Sunshine, as a lobbyist.
