Mortality and structure

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的essay代写范文 -- Mortality and structure，文章讲述然而，黑死病的社会经济影响源于突然死亡，其规模之大令人震惊，无论由何种杆菌引起。要评估鼠疫的经济意义，首先要确定1347-53年首次袭击的死亡率，以及在中世纪时期其复发的频发率，然后阐明鼠疫如何根据年龄，性别，富裕程度和地点来选择受害者。

Mortality and structure
The Black Death’s socioeconomic impact stemmed, however, from sudden mortality on a staggering scale, regardless of what bacillus caused it. Assessment of the plague’s economic significance begins with determining the rate of mortality for the initial onslaught in 1347—53 and its frequent recurrences for the balance of the Middle Ages, then unraveling how the plague chose victims according to age, sex, affluence, and place.
Imperfect evidence unfortunately hampers knowing precisely who and how many perished. Many of the Black Death’s contemporary observers, living in an epoch of famine and political, military, and spiritual turmoil, described the plague apocalyptically. A chronicler famously closed his narrative with empty membranes should anyone survive to continue it. Others believed as few as one in ten survived. One writer claimed that only fourteen people were spared in London. Although sober eyewitnesses offered more plausible figures, in light of the medieval preference for narrative dramatic force over numerical veracity, chroniclers’ estimates are considered evidence of the Black Death’s battering of the medieval psyche, not an accurate barometer of its demographic toll.
Even non—narrative and presumably dispassionate, systematic evidence — legal and governmental documents, ecclesiastical records, commercial archives — presents challenges. No medieval scribe dragged his quill across parchment for the demographer’s pleasure and convenience. With a paucity of censuses, estimates of population and tracing of demographic trends have often relied on indirect indicators of demographic change (e.g., activity in the land market, levels of rents and wages, size of peasant holdings) or evidence treating only a segment of the population (e.g., assignment of new priests to vacant churches, payments by peasants to take over holdings of the deceased). Even the rare census—like record, like England’s Domesday Book (1086) or the Poll Tax Return (1377), either enumerates only heads of households or excludes slices of the populace or ignores regions or some combination of all these. To compensate for these imperfections, the demographer relies on potentially debatable assumptions about the size of the medieval household, the representativeness of a discrete group of people, the density of settlement in an undocumented region, the level of tax evasion, and so forth.
A bewildering array of estimates for mortality from the plague of 1347—53 is the result. The first outbreak of the Black Death indisputably was the deadliest but the death rate varied widely according to place and social stratum. National estimates of mortality for England, where the evidence is fullest, range from five percent, to 23.6 percent among aristocrats holding land from the king, to forty to forty—five percent of the kingdom’s clergy, to over sixty percent in a recent estimate. The picture for the continent likewise is varied. Regional mortality in Languedoc (France) was forty to fifty percent while sixty to eighty percent of Tuscans (Italy) perished. Urban death rates were mostly higher but no less disparate, e.g., half in Orvieto (Italy), Siena (Italy), and Volterra (Italy), fifty to sixty—six percent in Hamburg (Germany), fifty—eight to sixty—eight percent in Perpignan (France), sixty percent for Barcelona’s (Spain) clerical population, and seventy percent in Bremen (Germany). The Black Death was often highly arbitrary in how it killed in a narrow locale, which no doubt broadened the spectrum of mortality rates. Two of Durham Cathedral Priory’s manors, for instance, had respective death rates of twenty—one and seventy—eighty percent (Shrewsbury, 1970; Russell, 1948; Waugh, 1991; Ziegler, 1969; Benedictow, 2004; Le Roy Ladurie, 1976; Bowsky, 1964; Pounds, 1974; Emery, 1967; Gyug, 1983; Aberth, 1995; Lomas, 1989).
Credible death rates between one quarter and three quarters complicate reaching a Europe—wide figure. Neither a casual and unscientific averaging of available estimates to arrive at a probably misleading composite death rate nor a timid placing of mortality somewhere between one and two thirds is especially illuminating. Scholars confronting the problem’s complexity before venturing estimates once favored one third as a reasonable aggregate death rate. Since the early 1970s demographers have found higher levels of mortality plausible and European mortality of one half is considered defensible, a figure not too distant from less fanciful contemporary observations.
While the Black Death of 1347—53 inflicted demographic carnage, had it been an isolated event European population might have recovered to its former level in a generation or two and its economic impact would have been moderate. The disease’s long—term demographic and socioeconomic legacy arose from it recurrence. When both national and local epidemics are taken into account, England endured thirty plague years between 1351 and 1485, a pattern mirrored on the continent, where Perugia was struck nineteen times and Hamburg, Cologne, and Nuremburg at least ten times each in the fifteenth century. Deadliness of outbreaks declined — perhaps ten to twenty percent in the second plague (pestis secunda) of 1361—2, ten to fifteen percent in the third plague (pestis tertia) of 1369, and as low as five and rarely above ten percent thereafter — and became more localized; however, the Black Death’s persistence ensured that demographic recovery would be slow and socioeconomic consequences deeper. Europe’s population in 1430 may have been fifty to seventy—five percent lower than in 1290 (Cipolla, 1994; Gottfried, 1983).
Enumeration of corpses does not adequately reflect the Black Death’s demographic impact. Who perished was equally significant as how many; in other words, the structure of mortality influenced the time and rate of demographic recovery. The plague’s preference for urbanite over peasant, man over woman, poor over affluent, and, perhaps most significantly, young over mature shaped its demographic toll. Eyewitnesses so universally reported disproportionate death among the young in the plague’s initial recurrence (1361—2) that it became known as the Childen’s Plague (pestis puerorum, mortalité des enfants). If this preference for youth reflected natural resistance to the disease among plague survivors, the Black Death may have ultimately resembled a lower—mortality childhood disease, a reality that magnified both its demographic and psychological impact.
The Black Death pushed Europe into a long—term demographic trough. Notwithstanding anecdotal reports of nearly universal pregnancy of women in the wake of the magna pestilencia, demographic stagnancy characterized the rest of the Middle Ages. Population growth recommenced at different times in different places but rarely earlier than the second half of the fifteenth century and in many places not until c. 1550.
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Internal racist education

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的essay代写范文 -- Internal racist education，文章讲述内部种族主义是指压迫性的结构，意识形态和系统，教有色人种惧怕自己的力量和差异，剥夺了为自己和人民创造想要的东西的能力。许多人认为，内在的种族主义只是有色人种的自卑感。但是，这种解释解释了内部种族主义的症状，而不是其真正含义。


Internal racist education


I.Introduction
a)The definition of internalized racism
Internalized racism refers to the oppressive structures, ideologies and systems that teach people of color to fear their own power and difference and deprive their ability to create what they want for themselves and their peoples. Many people believe internalized racism is merely a sense of low self-esteem or self-hatred own by people of color. However, such an interpretation explains more of the symptoms of internalized racism than the true concept of it. As Donna Bivens mentioned in her paper “Internalized Racism: A Definition”:
Internalized racism is the situation that occurs in a racist system when a racial group oppressed by racism supports the supremacy and dominance of the dominating group by maintaining or participating in the set of attitudes, behaviors, social structures and ideologies that undergird the dominating group's power. (2)
The sad fact is that people of color may support white supremacy when making decisions and try to meet the Eurocentric standards set by white people. That’s probably because they think white people know more about what needs to be done for them than they do. In today’s society, with the great effort done by racial equality advocacy groups, the awareness of racial equality among white people is largely raised. However, the deep-rooted internalized racism within people of color themselves are usually ignored.
b)The background of the internalized racism in education
We have to understand that internalized racism is ubiquitous, even the most committed anti-racist white people must continue to fight with their own and other white people’s racism. In this paper, I will focus my study on internalized racism in education. Since children and teenagers are the most sensitive groups and are extremely vulnerable to exploitation, they can be easily affected by external environment factor when setting up values about racism.
As internalized racism is always generated by unconscious acceptance of a racial hierarchy, it is believed that schools play a significant role in instilling and perpetuating internalized racism within students of color.
II.Causes of internalized racism in education
The best approach to locate the potential causes of internalized racism is to examine the racism in schools from three main perspectives:
a)Teachers
Teachers are the essential role in schools and education. Their pedagogy can greatly impact the development of students and the way they perceive themselves and things around them. In those culturally-diverse communities, there are apparently more white teachers than teachers of color. As Lindsay Perez Huber explained in the book Naming Racism: A Conceptual Look at Internalized Racism in U.S. Schools, “88 percent of 35,000 full-time faculties within university education departments are white; thus the majority of teachers in this country are not receiving any teacher education from Professors of Color.” (9) In this case, the educators are likely to develop teaching method that serves the dominant culture. Or even worse: to privilege whiteness and perpetuate societal norms of white supremacy within students unconsciously. It’s worth noting that even well-intentioned teachers can perpetuate the structural racism if they are not conscious and do not take active steps to address their own biases, and recognize how those biases can possibly affect the teaching practice and decision-making. For example, since it’s inevitable to use a standard language in the time of globalization, English is seen as the standard tone used in classrooms around the world. If students of color fail to either comprehend the courses taught in English or express themselves in English, the teacher is likely to be frustrated. Therefore, students of color may develop the idea that English has more value than their mother language or culture. In this case, the teacher has created linguistic hierarchies unintentionally. Meanwhile, teachers of color consistently try to unpack internalized racism and strive for racially just classrooms. But a considerable number of teachers of color chose to give up half way. A 2005 University of Pennsylvania study by Richard Ingersoll found that teachers of color left the profession 24 percent more often than white teachers: “The declining numbers of Black and Hispanic students majoring in education is steeper than the overall decline in education majors” and “Minority teachers leave teaching at higher rates than white teachers do.” The failure of retaining teachers of color in schools no doubt creates more obstacles to eliminate internalized racism within students.
b)Curriculum
Curriculum is a fundamental component for academic learning. Curriculum not only shapes teaching method, but also decides the structure and pace of teaching process. It is essential that curriculum do not perpetuate the ever present force of racism in our society. In a lot of cultures, schools use standard textbooks as required by government or relevant organizations. Some of these textbooks can be indifferent to crucial racial issues, others, might revolve around Eurocentric standards. Under this circumstance, students are more likely to adopt a white supremacy value since they don’t really have a chance to get a deeper understanding of other cultures. They can hardly develop interests at the very beginning when the curriculum is silent about race. In American textbooks, words like African American, Native American are usually mentioned. But no special words refer to majority white people. Though considerable amount of U.S. population consists of African American and Native American, they are still regarded as the minority groups. The frequency occurring of words like African American can create a psychological hint among students of color that they have fundamental difference with white people. And the sense of being segregated might be further reinforced by the environment later in their lives.
c)School resources
Schools whose student populations are majority white have been proven to have richer resources than schools with more non-white students. Many poor and minority students are attending under-resourced schools that are not only separate and isolated, but that are also just as unequal as they were in the mid-20th century. Graduate students from those majority white schools are more likely to enjoy better facilities and opportunities. Thus, the obvious difference can create internalized racism among students of color who fail to enter a better school.

III.Consequences of internalized racism in education
The internalized racism in education can evolve an acceptance of inferior education among student of color. More importantly, this value can be transferred to any other fields in their later lives. Other consequences caused by internalized racism in education include:
a)Racial hierarchy in campus
A hostile campus racial climate will spread out with the internalized racism. In fact, when students of color see themselves as inferior to others, they maintain and reinforce a racial hierarchy on campus. In Robin Nicole Johnson’s study The Psychology of Racism: How Internalized Racism, Academic Self-concept, and Campus Racial Climate Impact the Academic Experiences and Achievement of African American Undergraduates, 117 African Americans are sampled and both survey and focus groups were used to understand their academic experiences (29). She finds that internalized racism negatively impacts academic self-concept, and disrupts grade performance as well. Additionally, the study reveals that a hostile campus racial climate contributes to internalized racism and can create conditions that make African Americans vulnerable to stereotype threat.
b)Early childhood cognition
Scholars around the world started to study the impact of internalized racism in education decades ago. In 1939, psychologists Kenneth and Mamie Clark, PhD conducted a doll experiment of internalized racism in America at a time when black and white children were segregated. During that time, public schools were racially segregated. The result of Kenneth and Mamie Clark’s research showed that black children indicated a clear preference for white, (17) Most of the black children around five years old being tested were aware of the “inferior status” caused by their skin in contemporary American society. It’s shocking how children of such a young are able to tell the status according to people’s skin color. Illustrations or pictures on books where light-skin person appear much more often as the “standard” image of people might be the reason why young children of color can feel the facial unjust subconsciously. Though the experiment was conducted 75 years ago, and the current situation of racial inequity is largely improved. The early childhood experience of children of color may not change much comparing with before. Although a larger amount of children’s books and paintings include images of children of color, children of color still show eagerness to become light-skin. After all, we all notice that few Disneyland movies or cartoons actually have dark-skin princess. In this case, there is a great chance that children of color develop internalized racism in the way that they regard themselves as “off-standard”.
c)Academic Performance
Usually academic performance is hard to evaluate because loads of factors contribute to it. However, it is important to explore how internalized racism can play a role in the low achievement rates of students of color. Students of color who struggle at their schoolwork are likely to be labeled intellectually or culturally deficient. And accordingly, this stereotype would do no help but crack down the learning interests of students of color. Internalized racism in schools consistently transmits the message that students who are non-white are intellectually inferior to those who are white. Thus, students of color may accept or even welcome the idea that they are not as competent as their white-skin peers and set up a relatively low standard for themselves. Once they admit unconsciously that they are less intellectual due to their race background, they are even more passive towards their study and it gets harder to build up faith again.
d)Dropout rate
Dropout usually refers to students who choose not to enroll in school or who choose to leave school halfway willingly. And these groups of students would not get the high school diploma or equivalent certificate. As mentioned before, students of color may reinforce the idea all by themselves that they are not able to perform as good as white students at schoolwork. Another factor is the sense of alienation and disengagement. That’s apparently the effect of internalized racism within students of color as well. These students consciously or unconsciously believe that because of their racial background they will not be able to succeed in school and, as a result, do not continue their education. Therefore, though the term “dropout” originally describes the situation where students leave school out of their own choices, the real case is slightly different. For some students of color, the deep-rooted reason for their choice can be traced back to internalized racism.

IV.Conclusion
Admittedly, there is still a long way to go when it comes to eliminate the internalized racism in education. Governments and schools are supposed to cooperate to ensure a racially-equally-campus. But the vital factors here are the overall social environment and students themselves.
Internalized racism exists everywhere. All different cultures in the world have once oppressed or being oppressed by others. When one party wins over the right of speech, they may create a system to instill their values and ideologies among others. Someone who is trapped once does not need to panic. But it’ll be truly sad if he dare not to face who he is. Someone who immersed himself in his psychological trauma is not better than exercise his own ability to define the work for his own communities and do it.

Works Cited
Carlos p. Hipolito-Delgado (2010). "Exploring the Etiology of Ethnic Self-Hatred: Internalized Racism in Chicana/o and Latina/o College Students". Journal of College Student Development 51 (3): 319–331
Robin Nicole Johnson. The Psychology of Racism: How Internalized Racism, Academic Self-concept, and Campus Racial Climate Impact the Academic Experiences and Achievement of African American Undergraduates
Lindsay Perez Huber, Robin N. Johnson, Rita KoHLI. Naming Racism: A Conceptual Look at Internalized Racism in U.S. Schools Chicago: 2006, print

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Influence the Chinese immigration experience

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的essay代写范文 -- Influence the Chinese immigration experience，文章讲述在这个多元文化民主的时代，由于全球化和多样化，同化（成为美国社会主流的一部分的过程）似乎已经过时了。但是，正如理查德·阿尔巴（Richard Alba）和维克多·尼（Victor Nee）在他们的书中自1960年代中期以来首次对同化进行系统化处理所说明的那样，它继续影响着中国人的移民经历。

Influence the Chinese immigration experience
Alba, Richard and Victor Nee. 2003. Remaking the American Mainstream: Assimilation and Contemporary Immigration. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
In this era of multicultural democracy, the idea of assimilation—the process of becoming an accepted part of the mainstream of American society—seems outdated because of globalization and diversification. But as Richard Alba and Victor Nee illustrate in the first systematic treatment of assimilation since the mid-1960s in their book, it continues to shape the immigrant experience of Chinese. Changes, ranging from civil rights legislation to immigration law, offered opener atmosphere for immigrants from Asia, Africa and South America, and their children as well. However, assimilation is still driven for Chinese immigrants due to the decisions of immigrants and the second generation to improve their social status and material circumstances in America. But they also show that Chinese immigrants, historically and today, have far-reaching influence to the mainstream society and culture in America. The authors demonstrate the profound significance of assimilation for immigrants adapting into American life. Moreover, they imply that racial boundaries between Chinese immigrants and local Americans will be blurred by this process and that Chinese immigrants will eventually harmonize into the America’s mainstream.
This source is related to my topic because this book supports that the process of assimilation in America is still harsh for Chinese immigrants especially for those who want to enter dominant society and improve their social status, and puts forward prediction that this process will gradually succeed, even though it is a long-run process and is difficult to achieve due to several essential reasons, such as language barriers and resources distribution. As the threshold of migration in America has been slackened for immigrants from all over the world, increasing amount of Chinese immigrants managed to settle down in America, especially those student immigrants who study and work in USA with excellent academic performance. With increasing proportion in American population and participation in all aspects in American life, Chinese immigrants and their following generation will assimilate into the mainstream of USA step by step, and then finally become an important part of the mainstream.
Xiao-huang Yin, China: People’s Republic of China [A], Waters, Mary C., Reed Ueda, and Helen B. Marrow [Eds]. The new Americans: A guide to immigration since 1965. Harvard University Press, 2009. pp.340-354.
Based on the latest U.S. Census data and the most recent scholarly research, the author put forward her statement that Chinese immigrants formed bimodal socioeconomic communities represented by different professional levels, distinctive English-language abilities, and variable income level. In addition, she points out that as China is transforming from agricultural country into global manufacturing base in recent years with great success in economy and politics, Chinese Americans have been prompted to observe their mother land in a new light. This trend makes the emergence of transnationalism and circular and reverse migration. With Chinese immigrants who are competent in business world and drastic expansion of U.S.-China economic networks, both America and China benefit from maximizing resources and opportunities and, therefore, American Dreams are gradually achieved.
I think this article not only provides data and statistics about historical background of Chinese migration to USA and explains the causes of the formation of Chinese bimodal community in America, but also demonstrates a new phenomenon of Chinese migration to USA. That is hundreds of thousands of Chinese Americans return to their home land to work in the various walks of life. The first transformation—permanent settlement—began in 1965 when immigration laws and policies in USA were amended dramatically. Differing from permanent settlement of the whole family in America in the period of early 1965, Chinese circular and reverse migration today seldom involves the entire family, which shows a new trend in the Chinese immigration to the U.S. What is more, because of the emergence of this phenomenon, Chinese Americans have increasing chances to gain prosperity, success and an upward social mobility achieved through hard work (this is the core of American dreams).
Philip Q. Yang: “Sojourners or Settlers: Post-1965 Chinese Immigrants”, Journal of Asian American Studies, 1999, no.2(1), pp.61-91, The Johns Hopkins University Press,
In this article, the author, Philip Q. Yang, proves his hypothesis that compared with pre-exclusion counterparts (the first three waves of Chinese immigration to USA), Chinese immigrants in post-1965 showed a great tendency for permanent settlement—not just earn money and then go back homeland any more. He proves that this transition of Chinese immigrants from sojourners to settlers by his investigation. Supported by several acts, such as 1965 Immigration and Naturalization Act, increasing number of Chinese dwells in USA and the demographic composition of the Chinese American population, especially the sex ratio, increases the chance of Chinese permanent settlement. The author also verifies three significant factors determining post-1965 Chinese immigrants’ propensity for permanent settlement in America: country-of-origin characteristics, ethnic communities and individual characteristics.
First and foremost, here sojourner means person whose mental orientation is towards the home country and who spends a major portion of lifetime striving in America for economic betterment and higher social status, but the full enjoyment and final achievement of objective is to be in his place of origin. Personally I think this analysis about the changing opinion of Chinese immigrants is so important in my research for it demonstrates that Chinese immigrants began to settle down and got better off in America, and made their offspring continue living in USA. To achieve a permanent settlement, they would also urge their children to assimilate into local communities, study hard and get themselves good jobs so as to enter dominant society. At this point, those Chinese immigrants think highly of education for their second generation and ask them to excel other local students, which correspondences to the claim stated by Yang Wesley in the article “Paper tiger” that Chinese American parents put pressure on their children to excel in education because they believe their children’s success in school would in turn, lead to high-income careers.
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I decided to change my life when I went abroad

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的essay代写范文 -- I decided to change my life when I went abroad，文章讲述我最终决定出国的那一刻将成为我一生中最重要的时刻之一。在祖国完成大学学习可能会更容易，但是挑战和进步实际上是我所需要的。我在国外的生活主要通过以下四种方式改变了我的生活。

I decided to change my life when I went abroad
The moment when I finally made the decision to go abroad is going to become one of the most important moment in my life. It might be easier to complete my college study in my motherland, but challenge and improvement is actually what I need. My life abroad changes my life mainly in 4 ways as follow.
Improvement in English. The first day I arrived in the strange country, I am alone and what confused me is that I must ask everything with my poor English. Although I got good grades of English, it still seemed hard to ask my way to the dormitory. However, I know that what I could do was trying, trying and trying. I tried to ask for what I need and I try to communicate with my classmates. And now, I am proud to say that I have overcome the big problem.
Improvement in independent ability. When I am faced with difficulty, I no longer try to ask others for help immediately. It’s a common thing for me that I am confused with my homework and I will try to fix it out by myself because I don’t want to disturb others too mach. When I need to go somewhere I don’t know, I will Google the route by myself.
Making more friends from all over the world. I have a friend from Japan and he loves sharing his opinions on Japanese anime with me. We have the same opinion on “One Piece”. Another friend from Taiwan always makes me laugh for his strange accent.
Knowing about American culture. What strikes me is the way Americans teach their children. Once I saw a baby eat grass on the lawn and his mother said it’s OK. They just want to make their children feel free and happy and I envied the baby. In addition, I love the carnival in festivals here. Everyone sings and dances with a big smile on face and it always let me forget about unhappiness.

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Controversy: What was the Black Death?

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的essay代写范文 -- Controversy: What was the Black Death?，文章讲述尽管人们一直对黑死病着迷，但即使流行病背后的疾病特征仍然是一个有争议的问题。意识到十四世纪的目击者描述的疾病比鼠疫鼠疫（耶尔森氏瘟疫）更具传染性和致命性，传统上与​​黑死病有关的芽孢杆菌，1970年代和1980年代持异议的学者提出了斑疹伤寒或炭疽病或斑疹伤寒，炭疽病或臭虫病的混合物瘟疫是罪魁祸首。

Controversy: What was the Black Death?

In spite of enduring fascination with the Black Death, even the identity of the disease behind the epidemic remains a point of controversy. Aware that fourteenth—century eyewitnesses described a disease more contagious and deadlier than bubonic plague (Yersinia pestis), the bacillus traditionally associated with the Black Death, dissident scholars in the 1970s and 1980s proposed typhus or anthrax or mixes of typhus, anthrax, or bubonic plague as the culprit. The new millennium brought other challenges to the Black Death—bubonic plague link, such as an unknown and probably unidentifiable bacillus, an Ebola—like haemorrhagic fever or, at the pseudoscientific fringes of academia, a disease of interstellar origin.
Proponents of Black Death as bubonic plague have minimized differences between modern bubonic and the fourteenth—century plague through painstaking analysis of the Black Death’s movement and behavior and by hypothesizing that the fourteenth—century plague was a hypervirulent strain of bubonic plague, yet bubonic plague nonetheless. DNA analysis of human remains from known Black Death cemeteries was intended to eliminate doubt but inability to replicate initially positive results has left uncertainty. New analytical tools used and new evidence marshaled in this lively controversy have enriched understanding of the Black Death while underscoring the elusiveness of certitude regarding phenomena many centuries past.

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