paper写作要小心这六个陷阱

相比于essay写作来说，paper更让留学生们头疼。一来因为paper更加复杂，二来就是因为paper的要求更加严格，很多留学生在写作paper的时候会容易落入各种陷阱，下面就给大家分析一下。

1.语法的陷阱

有些paper由于本身的题目一般比较简单，亦无须额外扩展，所以，长难句的出现频率大大减少。不少留学生会为了写长而写长，强制把很多内容塞在一起，导致句子更容易出现错误，往往得不偿失。

正常而言，paper写作中能写到20字左右的句子，就算比较复杂了，无需把句子长度弄到30甚至40。

常常会看到一些文章，初见的时候，看着挺高大上的，句子贼长，各种从句混搭。但是，仔细一看，每个句子都有瑕疵，少了主语，或者动词时态不对，或者指代不清楚。最后老师想给个高分也就很难了。

2.词汇的陷阱

paper写作部分，通用词汇的替换，往往是留学生做得还不错的地方，比如：上升、下降等之类的表达。但是，大多数学生，缺少对话题本身的替换，每次句子的主语都是一模一样的the percentage of spending on XX is …。

这样的文章，在词汇上，得分比较难上高分。这也是很多希望冲击分数的孩子忽略的一项。除了通用表达，话题本身的表达还是需要很丰富的替换。

在使用paper通用的一些表达的时候，也要注意准确性，比如soar/ surge等，表示激增，那么，小幅的上升就不太合适。Similar表达相似的，那么数据完全一模一样的时候，就不要使用这个描述。

3.结构的陷阱

但凡看过一些参考书的孩子，paper写出来，文章能看出一个整体大框架。比如，动态图先写上升的，后写下降的。静态图先写大的，再写小的部分。

但是，做到基本有框架，还是徘徊在中等分数的样子，因为更高分的文章，需要我们除了基本的框架overall progression之外，需要有use a range of cohesive devices appropriately（丰富的连接手段），即连词、代词和替换词的使用。

比如，在两个上升之间，可以写similarly或者a similar trend was recorded in …. 在不同的趋势之间，可以写by stark contrast或者the situation is revered in ….

或者连续几句话都是在描述同一对象的时候，后面无需重复写完整的主语，而是，this/ figure等代词来表达，或者直接写which从句。

4.内容的陷阱

首先是paper最重要的概述段（overview），没有概述段，内容的得分只能算中等，铁板定钉。

有些孩子尝试写了，结果写了一句完全的废话，也不能帮助的高分。比如，动态图，他写：所有的数据都在变化。这个其实是必然的，所有的数据都不变的话，也就没有分析图表的必要性了。

所以，从内容上讲，严格按照高分的评分标准中的描述：a clear overview of main trends, differences and stages. 即：总体趋势（上升/ 还是下降）、主要不同（谁大谁小）、主要步骤。

Overview的位置真的无所谓，通常在开头的最后或者放到最后一段作为结尾都可以，没有特别要求，只要写了就行。（甚至，只要找得到这样的句子就行。）

其次，是在数据分析上，机械的罗列，没有任何的归纳或者分析，不同对象之间，没有充分的比较。明显非常相似的数据，分开去写。完全没关系的内容，却被放在一起。这些都会导致失分。

5.长度的陷阱

有的留学生的paper很长，但是分数却不高。绝对有很多地方过于啰嗦重复，或者扯到了很多图表没有提到的内容。

大部分题目，在布置的时候，老师指望我们写的东西就那么多，一般是10个左右的内容（平均每个内容15个单词左右）。写太长对得分没有积极帮助。

6.数据的陷阱

写数据最基本的要求必然是：绝对的正确。如果数据都写错了，在任务回答（task achievement）这一项，估计就只有及格分了。

没有必要提到所有的数据，但是不能完全不提。比如，你从图表中看到，亚洲、非洲、大洋洲的数据很接近，你可以放到一个句子里面去说。

但是，三个地方，本来有三个数据，你不能一个都不提，至少说一下他们的范围：range from，或者都在xx左右。

或者，题目有5个国家的各种相关数据，你至少需要提到每个国家（也许意大利的数据都很小，你只提到了其中一个；土耳其的都很大，他的所有数据都写了）。

或者，题目一共也才8个数据，那么就全部都提到吧，否则也不太可能写满字数。对于数据方面，同学们都要兼顾，在写作时别遗漏了那些不起眼的数据。

以上就是给大家分享的在paper写作中容易落入的六大陷阱！同学们在写完自己的paper之后可以试着检查一下自己有没有犯以上的错误，有的话就是要及时改正。

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Essay代写：The abolition of the death penalty in England

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的paper代写范文- The abolition of the death penalty in England，供大家参考学习，这篇论文讨论了英国的死刑废除。从19世纪30年代开始，英国社会上首先兴起了废除死刑的呼声。后来经过英国法学家和社会大众的不断努力，终于促使死刑得到了废除。英国死刑废除不仅缩小了死刑适用范围，还改造了社会观念，用终身监禁作为替代手段。死刑背后的深层因素是经济发展的需要，政治格局的变化以及各种新思想的兴起。

At the beginning of the 19th century, there were a large number and a wide range of death sentences in British society. There were over 200 death penalty decrees, which were called "bloody codes" by historians. Because statutes contain more cases in which the death penalty is punishable, the actual scope of application of the death penalty is often more than three times that of a death penalty statute. On the other hand, with the development of society, the number of people executed is much smaller than that of those sentenced to death. It can be seen that the contrast between the legal provisions and the legal practice shows the arbitrariness of the execution of death penalty to the world, the massive use of death penalty cannot effectively control crimes, the conviction rate keeps rising, and the crime rate does not decrease. In the 1830s, the society first rose to abolish the death penalty for property crimes. In Sussex, duke, Charles Dickens, etc, with the help of scholars and celebrities of philanthropic, preventive punishment views become more common. By the 1840s, only a few murderers were executed, and the various ACTS that constituted the aggravation of the crime were defined in particular. By 1861, the personal crimes act limited the application of the death penalty to murder and the rare occurrence of such serious crimes as treason and piracy.

It can be seen that, after nearly half a century of development, the application of the death penalty in Britain was limited to the most serious crimes, and the threat of death was gradually reduced to punish crimes.

In the 1860s, in order to limit the application of the death penalty to actual murder, the pardon system was widely applied, but as a result, the campaign to abolish the death penalty stalled. In the late Victorian era, the abolition of the death penalty seemed to lose its place in "the real problems of our time" because of society's emphasis on individual responsibility and the need for severe deterrence. After the second world war, the Labour party, which had a majority of abolitionists in the house of Commons, temporarily shelved the bill out of self-interest for fear of abolition. , the decision of the house of Commons was sentenced to death on the standard debate prompted the British government has set up a royal commission in 1949, the commission using four years time to complete the report for the abolition of the death penalty made enough public base, which makes the British government had to face the choice: keep the law and unsatisfactory situation, or to abolish it completely. Subsequently, timothy ? Evans case, drake ? bentley case caused by the emergence of public debate and unease to promote the establishment of the "national abolition movement" organization. The conservatives introduced direct legislation in 1957, using the homicide act to define a small number of murders punishable by death.

1966 the house of Commons passed a bill repealing capital punishment. 1969 the house of lords passed the case by voice vote. By 1994, no senior British judge had supported the reinstatement of the death penalty. The death penalty in the military law was abolished in 1989. While the death penalty was abolished, life imprisonment gradually became an alternative to the death penalty.

The industrial revolution promoted the economic and social development of the UK, the rapid development of productivity, and the dramatic changes in the society took place, which led to the emergence of some new production and living relations in the UK. In order to adjust to the new social problems, the death penalty in current law must be reformed to meet the new needs.

Public sympathy for those who commit capital murder punishable by death is greater than disgust for those who do not commit capital murder, as defined by death penalty. This, combined with the difficulty of distinguishing between "punishable by death" and "not punishable by death" murders, puts judges in an awkward position and may affect the respect they receive. This belongs to the defects of the law itself, the defects of the death penalty system. Even in minor criminal cases, juries often use "good perjury" to make the perpetrators as humane as possible. The ineffectual execution of death penalty mentioned above loses its deterrent value, hinders the deserved punishment of criminals, and has no criminal justice to the plaintiff.

As the bureaucratic government gradually established, the establishment of the civil police forces and the people's political expectations, expanding the scope of the past to death terror as the pillar and based on the random execution of the criminal justice "bloody code" will be replaced by a police system in an effort to ensure more determined and proportional to the crime punishment. This is to reflect the law's assessment of crimes of varying severity and to prevent the occurrence of more serious crimes.

The Renaissance movement of the 14th and 17th centuries demanded the affirmation of human values and dignity and advocated the pursuit of freedom, happiness and material enjoyment. Then the enlightenment in the 17th and 18th centuries further developed humanitarianism. Voltaire argued that the law should be based on human nature, montesquieu argued that the national law should not violate human rationality, and Kant insisted that human self-discipline. Bentham and other thinkers advocate the complete abolition of the ineffectual and irrevocable death penalty. During this period, a large number of thinkers and jurists vigorously promoted the abolition of the death penalty, providing theoretical guidance for the movement.

Conclusion: st. Bernard, a famous French literary critic, once said, "if we can see into the heart of all people, who in the world is not to be pitied?" The death penalty in Britain is a thing of the past, and some controversies about how to deal with murder will continue. Discussions between the upper and lower houses, the people and the judge will also promote the continuous development and improvement of British laws to adapt to the changing times and better regulate and guide citizens.

The reference significance of the abolishment of the death penalty movement in Britain to the construction of the rule of law is not the result but the process. Over the past 150 years, generations of British lawmakers have made choices that best suit the national conditions of the UK, taking into account public opinion and prudent thinking. The constant efforts of English jurists and the public finally led to the abolition of the death penalty. The process of abolishing the death penalty in Britain has made us realize that only by fully obeying social development and actively carrying out social reform can the country be prosperous and civilized.

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51due为留学生提供最好的paper代写服务，亲们可以进入主页了解和获取更多paper代写范文 提供作业代写服务，详情可以咨询我们的客服QQ：800020041。

申请essay的写作思路分享

虽然说如今越来越多的学生选择出国留学，但也代表着申请的难度也变大了，所以同学们的申请必须充分准备。申请essay作为留学文书中的材料，写得好的话其实可以成为大家的制胜法宝，下面就给大家讲解一下申请essay的写作思路。

记忆会欺骗你：有时候通过日常生活的普通事件就足以申请，而你自认为的那些独特的、深刻的时间或许压根打动不了申请官。所以大家不要想当然的下笔，一定要尽可能多的获取信息，同时，尝试将思路带入你曾经忽略的细节。比如一些你认为的重要事件，或者是被遗忘的曾有的热情等。

以下一些写作技巧也许对你有帮助：

同时研究多个主题

列4-5个主题。分别记下这几个主题的任何事件、技能、兴趣等的词语所隐含的意思。每个粗略记下的新词都将暗示其它词语。按照各自的指意，用线将每个新词与相关的词连接起来。按照这种方法，就可以深刻理解最有价值的事物和各个主题之间的内部联系。开始撰文时，上述技巧非常有用。

随意清单

思维要放松，而不是受到条条框框的限制。试着列一个清单，内容包括：最喜欢的音乐，最糟糕的工作，所取得的最大成就，最愉快的假期，有别于他人的品质，受到朋友喜爱的特点，童年时最不同寻常的事，教育，家乡，出国旅游，兴趣爱好等等，记录下来。然后，试着找出其中的联系。或许在列表中，成就已经包含了有别于他人品质的各项内容。

把你的想法录下来

在练习写作时，碰上写不下去的情况下，可以用录音机记录你的想法。可以自己录制关于申请的想法，也可以找同学来提问，你即兴回答，并且录制你们之间的对话。有时候这种粗略的写作素材可能会起到关键性的作用。

坚持写日记

坚持写日记的好处就是能让你随时进入写作状态。每天抽出点时间，进行15-30分钟的写作练习。把你一天发生的事件都记录下来，包括但不限于写自己的梦想，经历等任何事情，但要坚持做下去。当然了，记录的一定是要有意义的事情，流水账什么的还是要避免。练习时，要学会总结，深思熟虑的写作是能够通过学习养成的一种习惯。

以上就是关于申请essay的写作讲解，练好了以上的步骤，就能让大家随时进入写作状态。无论以什么形式，写出你所想的，使它们变得更加具体、充实。

想要了解更多英国论文写作技巧或者需要英国代写，请关注51Due英国论文代写平台，51Due是一家专业的论文代写机构，专业辅导海外留学生的英文论文写作，主要业务有英国代写、essay代写、assignment代写、paper代写。亲们可以进入主页了解和获取更多关于英国代写以及英国留学资讯，我们将为广大留学生提升写作水平，帮助他们达成学业目标。如果您有英国代写需求，可以咨询我们的客服QQ：800020041。

Paper代写：The development of community banking in the United States

本篇paper代写- The development of community banking in the United States讨论了美国社区银行的发展。在美国，社区银行大多是指在一定地区的社区范围内，按照市场化原则自主设立、独立运营、主要服务于中小企业和个人客户的中小银行。在美国银行业发展进程中，以社区银行为代表的中小银行一直保持着强劲的发展势头。由于美国一直实行单一银行体制，联邦和州分享发放银行执照的权利，不允许银行跨州设立分行。所以这种体制为美国中小商业银行的快速发展提供了广阔的空间，进而成为美国银行数量众多的主要动因之一。本篇paper代写由51due代写平台整理，供大家参考阅读。

Small and medium-sized Banks are often referred to as "grassroots Banks" and in the United States they are often referred to as "community Banks" or independent Banks. Generally speaking, community Banks mainly refer to the small and medium-sized Banks that are set up and operated independently according to the market principles within the community scope of a certain area and mainly serve small and medium-sized enterprises and individual customers. The "community" here is not a strictly defined geographical concept. It can refer to a state, a city or a county, or to the residential areas of urban or rural residents. Therefore, community bank is not a bank located in a city community as we simply understand it, but a local small and medium sized commercial bank with small assets, mainly serving small and medium enterprises in the region and residents' families.

In fact, community banking is a dynamic concept, and people may have different metrics at different times. Currently, internationally accepted standards for measuring the size of Banks are based on the size of assets. Before 1999, Banks with assets of more than $300 million could be classified as big Banks, while those with assets of less than or equal to $300 million could be classified as small and medium Banks. Since 1999, these measures have changed and standards for measuring the size of Banks have improved. Banks with assets of less than or equal to $1 billion are usually classified as small and medium-sized Banks, while those with assets of more than $1 billion are called big Banks. In the United States, community Banks typically have assets of less than $10 million to $1 billion, with a very small number reaching $1 billion. Although in practice, people often classify Banks with assets of less than $1 billion as community Banks, Robert DeYoung et al. argue that community Banks should have the following main characteristics: firstly, those with assets of less than $1 billion should be regarded as community Banks. Second, at least half of all deposits come from branches within a single region. Third, domestic ownership. Fourth, provide traditional financial services including credit portfolios, trading services and underwriting deposits. Fifth, it is an independent bank, or the only bank in a bank holding company, or a wholly-owned subsidiary of a bank holding company consisting entirely of community Banks.

In the process of American banking development, small and medium-sized Banks, represented by community Banks, have maintained a strong momentum of development. For more than 150 years, from 1837 to 1994, the United States operated a single banking system, in which federal and state authorities Shared the right to grant banking licences and did not allow Banks to establish branches across state lines. This system provides broad space for the rapid development of small and medium-sized commercial Banks in the United States, and thus becomes one of the main reasons for the large number of American Banks. To encourage the development of the national bank, the federal government enacted the national bank act of 1863, with a minimum capital amount of only $250,000, and prohibited both the state bank and the national bank from establishing branches across the state. Such protective measures greatly promoted the development and growth of small and medium-sized commercial Banks. In order to overcome the glass - steger, act by big Banks for small and medium-sized commercial Banks after the implementation of mergers and acquisitions of small and medium-sized Banks resulted from the pressure surge problem, and the United States congress in 1960 passed the bank mergers act, the law regulation: the relevant authorities in the approved bank mergers, want to consider whether convenience and meet the needs of the local society, if the merger cause monopoly or greatly reduced competition or tend to lead to monopoly, shall not be approved. After the enactment of the 1994 racker-neal interstate banking and branch efficiency act and the 1999 financial services modernization act, the us was expected to see a wave of large-scale mergers and branches involving small and medium-sized Banks. In 1995, there were 9,942 commercial Banks in the United States, 1,590 savings Banks and 13,717 cooperative Banks. By 2000, there were 8,315 commercial Banks and 1,590 savings Banks. By the end of 2002, there were 8,932 community Banks and 39,094 branches. At the end of 2007, 42 percent of U.S. Banks had less than $100 million in assets. Fifty-one percent of Banks have between $100 million and $1 billion in assets. Only 7% of Banks have more than $1 billion in assets.

Although the global financial crisis is still spreading and the number of community Banks in the United States has decreased, community Banks still account for as much as 94 percent of the total number of Banks in the United States, basically maintaining the proportion of community Banks in the total number of U.S. Banks since 1983. In addition, community Banks have maintained a stable market share in loans to individual community residents and to farms, despite a decline in their ratio of total U.S. loans as a result of the financial crisis.

First, the operating characteristics of community Banks are very obvious. Firstly, from the perspective of market positioning, the market positioning of community Banks is relatively low, which mainly focuses on the financial service needs of local community residents, small and medium-sized enterprises and neighboring farmers. Over the past 20 years, community Banks have provided 40 percent of all home loans to communities, 35 percent of small business loans, and 70 percent of rural loans. Secondly, from the perspective of capital utilization, community Banks mainly continue to invest the deposits they have absorbed in a certain region, thus greatly promoting the development of local economy. Thirdly, from the process of employees' business treatment, the employees of community Banks are usually very familiar with the customer needs of the local market, and they are also important members who are integrated into the community life. Compared with the business managers of big Banks, the managers and employees of community Banks will have more accurate understanding of their customers' soft information, such as personal characteristics and management ability. Fourth, from the loan approval process, community Banks in the examination and approval of small and medium-sized enterprise customers and home loans, the customer is not only a pile of financial data on behalf of, in fact the community bank credit personnel will also consider these as a neighbor of the borrower's personality characteristics, family history and family composition, the characteristics of daily expenses, and so on personalized soft information, and the big Banks in the examination and approval of these small and medium-sized enterprise loan and personal loan, usually only according to the credit, debt, income and other tough financial whether lending decision, is not willing to "information on difficult borrowers" lending.

Second, community Banks are generally more efficient than large Banks. This is mainly reflected in two aspects: one is that the operation of community Banks is free from relatively complex links and procedures. Because community Banks operate locally, they make credit decisions fairly quickly. Big Banks, by contrast, have to go through the necessary internal approval process, which is naturally longer. Second, the financial operation of community Banks is relatively stable. From the perspective of the change of return on assets, except for the relatively low figure in 2007, the figures in other years show an increasing trend or a small gap. Compared with big Banks, community Banks with assets of less than $100 million have relatively low return on assets. However, community Banks with assets of between $100 million and $1 billion have relatively small return on assets. In a sense, this figure can show that quite a few community Banks are highly competitive. From the perspective of the change of equity capital ratio, except for the relatively low number of various Banks in 2007, the equity capital ratio of various Banks in the United States in other years basically shows an increasing trend year by year, especially the community Banks with assets of $100 million to $1 billion, which has increased from 9.24% in 1999 to 12.20% in 2006. Meanwhile, the equity capital ratio of big Banks with assets above $10 billion was relatively low at first, only rising from less than 8 percent in 1999 to 9.95 percent in 2004, but it was relatively high in 2005 and 2006, reaching 13.07 percent and 13.40 percent, respectively. It should be said that a higher equity capital ratio, while ensuring the sound operation of Banks, also protects the interests of bank customers, which is essential for the healthy development of community Banks.

The development of community banking in the United States has provided many useful references for the development of small and medium-sized Banks in emerging markets. At present, the reform of China's financial system has entered a critical period, and the research on the development of American community Banks will have a positive impact on the development and enrichment of China's small and medium-sized Banks and the improvement of China's banking structure.

The needs of small and medium-sized enterprises directly lead the development process of community Banks. As we all know, the steady and sustained economic growth of a country cannot be achieved without a large number of small and medium-sized enterprises. In particular, the role of small and medium-sized enterprises will always be indispensable in stabilizing the economy, creating employment, generating foreign exchange through exports and providing social services. Large Banks, however, are generally disdainful of dealing with the activities of small and medium-sized enterprises. Although governments to encourage big Banks and small and medium-sized enterprises to carry out exchanges and to provide various forms of security, but the big Banks often worry that the enterprise scale is too small, difficult to meet their business needs, and think that the management risk of the small and medium-sized enterprises is higher, the business lack of stability, in this way, small and medium-sized enterprises have to seek suitable financing methods and channels.

Community Banks can meet the capital needs of smes during their development, as they mainly serve smes. As DeYoung et al. said, at least one area of the banking industry still seems to be unaffected by technological development and deregulation, namely the "relational lending" of community Banks to small and medium enterprises. In "relationship lending", the community bank to the borrower's information collection is beyond the relatively transparent data in the financial statements, the scope of the mortgaged property research and other public sources and done through the breadth and depth of bank business relations, community Banks to obtain information can be used to renew the loan, the extension of credit, the signing of the agreement, and set the loan term, etc., thus to meet the demand for money. In addition, the community bank places special emphasis on personal contact with the lender, so the lending efficiency is extremely high and the satisfaction degree of the borrower is greatly improved.

From the development of American community Banks, the development of community Banks is largely related to the supportive policies adopted by the government. Since the first banking law was born in 1837, a number of subsequent laws in the United States have created conditions for the creation and development of community banking. The reason why there are so many community Banks in the United States is not only related to the large demand brought by the extensive development of many small businesses, but also related to the favorable policies adopted by the United States government, such as encouraging competition and prohibiting the establishment of branches across states. In addition, the United States also gives preferential treatment to small and medium-sized financial institutions such as community Banks from the perspective of taxation. It provides that community Banks are exempt from various taxes, establish deposit insurance of credit cooperatives, and do not pay deposit reserve funds. All these measures have played an important role in promoting the rapid development of community Banks.

First, community Banks have a strong ability to engage in relationship lending. Empirical research on "the ability to engage in relationship-based or reputation-based credit or low market lending" suggests that "large financial firms are at a comparative disadvantage when information about individual investment projects is inherently soft information". Due to their ability to process soft information, community Banks are considered to have a comparative advantage in lending to borrowers with opaque information.

Secondly, community Banks have strong ability to obtain large amounts of core deposits. Core deposits mainly refer to the deposits made up of business deposits and short-term deposits. The latest data show that core deposits have accounted for 34% of all deposits for large U.S. Banks, compared with 39% for medium-sized Banks, 44% for large community Banks, 57% for medium community Banks, 65% for small community Banks and 67% for rural Banks. Community Banks with higher core deposit rates are better able to establish solid, long-term relationships with their customers.

Third, community Banks are more capable of interacting with customers. Although the development of the Internet enables many customers to conduct business without entering the bank, the personalized face-to-face service of community Banks enables customers to experience the enthusiasm and warmth while accepting financial services. In addition, the community knowledge possessed by the community bank enables it to participate in the activities of local non-governmental organizations in a convenient and rapid way, such as supporting local public welfare undertakings and providing help to low-income people in the community.

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Essay代写：Virtual capital

​下面为大家整理一篇优秀的essay代写范文- Virtual capital，供大家参考学习，这篇论文讨论了虚拟资本。资本是可以增值的价值，而虚拟资本则是可以带来货币收入的价值符号。虚拟资本的表现形式是多样的、动态的，银行存款货币是虚拟资本的重要表现形式。从本质上看，虚拟资本是信用关系的载体，反映授信主体和受信主体之问的责权利关系。尽管虚拟资本是一种纯粹幻想的观念，但因为其能够像资本一样给其持有者带来收益，自然地，虚拟资本同样有一个价值计量和价值表现问题。

Capital is the value that can add value, fictitious capital is the value symbol that can bring money income. Capital is the concrete condensation of human labor, and virtual capital is the certificate of claim of value formed by economic subject in credit activity, which is an abstract value symbol. The forms of virtual capital are various and dynamic, and bank deposit money is an important form of virtual capital. In essence, virtual capital is the carrier of credit relationship, reflecting the relationship of responsibility and right between the subject of credit granting and the subject of credit. Starting from the labor theory of value, this paper analyzes the essence and manifestation of virtual capital according to the logical structure of Marx's discussion on capital and virtual capital, and reveals the virtual and capital nature of virtual capital.

In recent years, virtual capital and virtual economy has been the focus of some domestic scholars pay attention to and research, they are from a different perspective of virtual capital and virtual economy related question has carried on the beneficial discussion and some useful conclusions are drawn, but about the definition of the concept and category of anything has not form a unified conclusion, some of the basic theory of kernel has not yet been solved. For example: what is virtual capital? What is its essence? How did it come about? How is the virtual value determined? What is the form? How about virtual capital flow? And so on. The perplexity of these basic propositions will certainly influence the further study of this problem. Starting from the labor theory of value, this paper tries to explore the answers of these basic propositions under the logical framework of Marx's argumentation on capital and virtual capital.

Although there are discussions on virtual capital in foreign countries, the frequency of foreign scholars using such terms as virtual capital and virtual economy is very low. It can be said that China is the main discussion place on the issue of virtual capital, and the users of this term are mostly marxists, both at home and abroad. Marx's treatise on virtual capital is the basis of understanding and defining this concept by marxists at home and abroad.

Although in the study, relevant scholars have referred to the development of the credit and credit system of virtual capital and virtual economy prosperous, but few scholars from the perspective of credit to reveal the nature of the virtual capital credit, reveal the virtual capital is the carrier of credit relationship, nothing but although this carrier is dynamic and changing. The characteristics of capital and some forms of expression have been discussed in detail. Therefore, how to understand and elaborate the connotation of virtual capital under Marx's pen has become the primary task of this research.

In marxist economics, capital and virtual capital are a set of relative concepts. The essence of capital is the value that can bring surplus value, capital is the unity of material content and social form. Virtual capital is the "paper copy of real capital", which is the ownership certificate in the form of contract, which is protected by law and reflects the credit relationship of creditor's rights and debts. It is just the right certificate of value, which exists in the form of capital claim.

From Marx's classic description of capital, we can clearly see the value entity and value-added of capital. Value becomes capital because it can add value. The value-added part of capital and capital itself are like "the father of the son at the same time". Once the value is added, value is converted into capital, just like "once a son is born, and becomes a father because of having a son".

Therefore, in people's thinking and logic, the source of certain economic benefits, or the ultimate measure of economic benefits, the source of money income is taken for granted as capital, or any thing that can bring money income is capitalized, regardless of whether such things are valuable or not. This particular kind of capital is the value that people fantasize about, and is "treated as the value of a certain amount of capital that is entitled to a certain amount of income. It is in this case that virtual capital, because of its ability to generate monetary income, has naturally been taken as capital or taken on the mantle of capital. The ugly duckling is not the beautiful swan after all, capital is the value, is the crystallization of human labor, and the virtual capital itself has no value, so Marx called this kind of non-value which can bring the monetary income to people who have acquired the capital cover as virtual capital.

Take stocks, one of the forms of virtual capital that Marx mentioned. The stock is the person share certificate issued by the stock company to the stockholder, it is the certificate that the stockholder owns share capital ownership, it is the legal certificate that stockholder value claims the right, reflected the relation of duty and right of stockholder and company. The stock itself has no value, but it can bring a certain monetary gain, this kind of worthless thing in the earnings mask down to the capital.

Therefore, we can see that virtual capital is a credit certificate that has no value but can bring money income. Under the thinking inertia of understanding the concept of capital, all value symbols are regarded as capital because they can bring money income. However, because it is only a paper voucher of the claim of value and has no value itself, Marx has used the word "virtual" as the attribute, and the cause of the concept of virtual capital becomes clear.

Although virtual capital is "always a concept of pure fantasy", because it can bring benefits to its holders as much as capital, it naturally also has a value measurement and value representation problem.

In terms of value representation, value and virtual value are the same. Whether it is value or virtual value, they will be expressed in the form of currency -- price. The currency of capital is represented by the price of capital. Similarly, the currency of virtual capital is represented by the price of virtual capital. This virtual value represents the price of a credit certificate, a certificate of entitlement.

Although the value and the virtual value will adopt the same undifferentiated monetary or price performance, the virtual value and the value are different in quantitative logic and reverse.

The problem of the representation form of virtual capital has been a heated area in China. In "das kapital", Marx analyzed specific forms of virtual capital, such as commercial bills, state bonds, stocks and bank notes without the protection of gold reserves. In these specific forms, domestic scholars generally do not dispute, so the analysis of these forms will not be covered in this paper. But do Banks create other forms of virtual capital besides bank notes? The most important component of bank capital - is deposit creation money the concrete manifestation of virtual capital? This became the focus of discussion.

Although some domestic scholars have defined the research category of virtual capital and virtual economy as finance and interpreted it as the activity of generating money with money, they have not given a good explanation fundamentally according to Marx's logic, but only a vague intuition judgment of Marx's description of bank capital creation. This is mainly because people do not have a clear understanding of the essential meaning and characteristics of the concept of virtual capital, so it is impossible to reveal the virtual nature of bank capital.

The main difference between these two types of virtual capital is that the former represents the liabilities of the bank and the latter represents the assets of the bank. They are two sides of the same coin. Banks' holdings of virtual capital, for example, a fixed amount of money in the capitalist mode of production of the product of the most exquisite and rich "- the credit intermediary bank, after a lot of credit lending, bank holdings of this kind of value symbol and multiply, and expand the value of the bank claims, numerous virtual capital is created. "" everything would double and double under this credit system to the point that it would become a monster of pure fantasy." "With the development of interest-bearing capital and credit systems, it seems that all capital will double, and sometimes even double, as there are various ways in which the same capital or even the same debt may appear in different forms in different hands. The largest part of this' monetary capital 'is purely virtual."

Therefore, we can see that the capital of the bank is virtual, which exists in the form of virtual capital reflecting the relationship between creditor's rights and debts, and the virtuality of bank deposit and loan currency is obvious. When the same deposit is transferred between the bank and the borrower, the virtual capital is created continuously.

Moreover, Marx said that the largest part of this "monetary capital", "nine-tenths", was purely virtual. This is because the convertible metal-based currency system was implemented in the marxist era, so part of the capital in the bank is not virtual, but exists in the form of commodity metal. Under the modern pure credit currency system, credit currency represents the creditor's right of the issuer, and currency itself becomes a manifestation of virtual capital. The deposit currency born on this basis is the symbol of value, which is naturally a kind of virtual capital. That is to say, the establishment of credit currency makes the virtual capital evolve from value symbol to value symbol, which is a virtual, and the degree of virtual deepens.

Thus it can be seen that different credit relations correspond to different forms of virtual capital. Stock, bond, commercial bill of exchange, bank bill, bank note, currency, bank deposit currency, etc., are the manifestation forms of virtual capital. In addition, the value symbols reflecting obligations and rights of modern financial derivatives such as options and futures also belong to the category of virtual capital.

The appreciation makes the value become capital, thus people turn the credit certificate that can bring money income into capital, the non-value body that can bring appreciation becomes capital in people's idea, be regarded as capital, became capital in imagination.

What constitutes capital is not the substance of its form, but the value of that substance. In the same way, what constitutes virtual capital is not its existence form of various credit vouchers, but the right of claim of value represented by these vouchers. Therefore, the core content of virtual capital as the carrier of credit relationship is credit. Different rights and obligations lead to different claims and different virtual capital, no matter how it changes with The Times in form, but the essence is eternal. Virtual capital is nothing but the carrier of credit relationship formed in economic activities.

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