The present state of Russian fascism (1)

(1) Forms of fascism

The pre-modern authoritarian order has emerged as a feudal order. And this caste system is the distinction between this dictatorship and the modern dictatorship. However, the caste-based feudal order imposes the will of the ruler against the will of the people. That coercion is already a dictatorship, and the degree of concentration of power within the ruling class and the divergence from the will of the people had raised and lowered the degree of dictatorship. On the other hand, fascism as a modern dictatorship begins as a seemingly democratic national movement. However, it has come to fruition as a totalitarian state in which the people monitor each other in order to support the ruling class. Historically, it has manifested itself in the following three forms.
　　・Nationalist fascism
　　・Red fascism
　　・Religious fundamentalism
These three types of fascism form national movements from different directions. But they all end up with similar dictatorships. All of them aim at the spiritual control of the people, and the ruling class sits at the top of that spiritual control. Of course, if the content of the mental control is legitimate, then the control may also be valid. However, its legitimacy needs to be understood by the public. And the process of understanding is democratic, which is opposed to the autocratic order. And the spiritual domination in the dictatorship is already unjust in itself. Moreover, the content of their mental control is often unjustified. Naturally, dictatorships alienate from the people. If the dictatorship wants to dispel its injustice, it needs to stop being a dictatorship itself. But the reason why a dictatorship is a dictatorship is that the dictatorship insists on being a dictatorship itself. Behind this adherence is the basis of the economic privilege of the dictatorial ruling class. In the following, this article confirms the establishment and correlation of these three forms.

(1a) Fascism and nationalism

The keynote of fascism manifests itself in the violent extermination of foreign peoples at home and the violent suppression of its own opposing forces, as well as the violent maintenance of one's own interests abroad and external military advances for that purpose. In other words, its external characteristics are ethnic cleansing and aggressive nationalism. It began in Italy, became more radical, spread to German Nazism, and took a different form as nationalism and totalitarianism, sweeping the world. Its mother ideology is fundamentally nationalistic. But not all nationalism aims at this fascist keynote. Nationalism in fascism unites a particular class and its supporters as an ethnic group, and aims at the violent realization of its interests. To put it simply, nationalism is an economic class consciousness that represents the interests of a particular class. Therefore, its nationalism does not need to be confined to ethnic boundaries, and its scope can be arbitrary. Incidentally, many of these obscure ethnic boundaries are based on religious differences. This is because many of the unclear ethnic boundaries overlap with sectarian boundaries. Conversely, ethnic differences are only such differences. In other words, these differences are not issues that deserve to be opposed to each other in the first place. For this reason, much of the nationalism of the modern world is represented by Islamic sects. Of course, in conflicts between Islam, the Islamic sect at the center of domestic interests occupies the xenophobic center and suppresses other Islamic sects. Conversely, religion can form ethnic boundaries, such as Judaism. Therefore, the ethnic boundaries only express certain common interests in the region, and are not actual ethnic boundaries. It is also because of this that nationalists can label their fellow nationals as traitors and non-nationals. At this time, the nationalist believes himself a patriot and does not suspect that he may be a traitor to the state. However, the nationalism, through its violent rule, degrades its own people to inhuman tribes. And such inhuman tribes are not respected, but rather despised. Moreover, that contempt comes not only from other nations and peoples, but also from one's own people. In addition, the violent rule of the people by the fascists is a hindrance to economic and cultural development. Thus, while talking about patriotism, fascists impede the economic and cultural development of their country. Fascists do not love the country at all in their actions, they only love the interest groups to which they belong.

(1b) Fascism and communism

The fascist movement in Italy was under the influence of the communist movement, which was on the rise at the same time, and they imitated many forms of communist activity. In fact, in the case of Nazism, there were socialists in the party who were later purged by the right wing of the party. However, the similarity of their activities is not merely due to the fascists' imitation of the communist movement, but also to the commonality of their supporters. In both communism and fascism, the leaders and supporters of the movements were the social classes that were oppressed and disadvantaged at home. However, while the Communist support base was the proletariat, the fascist support base was the small capitalists with their own capital. But petty capitalists can also be exploiters of the proletarian. And the communist movement at that time was mercilessly attacking the exploiting small capitalists, no matter how big or small they were. Therefore, regardless of their similarities, they hated each other as enemies and confronted each other. Fascism, on the other hand, does not have a vision of a future for an egalitarian society like communism, and it has no faith in scientific rationality. At the root of this movement is a grudge against one's own decline and an impulse to dominate with no direction. Its irrational passions are incompatible with the ideals of human rights and equality. In fact, fascism attacked the idea of equality and advocated the domination of the weak by the strong. Socialism and communism are essentially internationalism rooted in equal human rights. On the other hand, the foreign policy of fascism converges with imperialism, which aims at the domination of other peoples. Fascism, therefore, leans toward nationalism because it represents an idea that can compete with human rights and equality. Fascists are convinced of their own ethnic superiority in their nationalism. However, there is no particular basis for this conviction. Much of their ethnic advantage is based on their own infrastructural superiority and affluence over other peoples. That is, the conviction simply follows the indigenous privileges of the region. However, nationalism on its own is not enough ground for dictatorship. It is also irrational for fascism to oppress its fellow citizens under the pretext of nationalism alone. Therefore, fascism puts socialism on its banner. But the socialism that fascism speaks of here is not about realizing human rights and equality. The goal of their socialism is the realization of the national interests that they consider. Of course, the interests of the state are actually the interests of a particular interest group, not the interests of the people as a whole. For this reason, the socialism advocated by fascism violates many human rights that are outside of a particular interest group as a matter of course. As a result, this contradiction leads to a bizarre situation in which socialism, which is supposed to aim for the realization of human rights, constantly violates human rights. Because of this gap, fascism distinguished its own socialism from the original socialism and called itself National Socialism. The designation now expresses the inferior ideology of xenophobic nationalism. However, when it first appeared, National Socialism was touted as a superhuman idea that could compete with communism.

(1c) Stalinism

　Fascism's resentment of its own decline and the impulse to dominate without direction are no stranger to communism. It is the class rage of the working class in communism, and its understanding justifies the relentless assault on the exploiting capitalists. It was also believed that if the goal was to achieve human rights and equal life, then the end would purify the means. And when Lenin staged the Red Coup in Russia, Russian Bolshevism came to embody communism. However, the leftward tilt of communism further enforced Lenin's disregard for democracy within the communist camp. As a result, Lenin's fatal flaw, far from realizing human rights and equal life in Russia, created a world of opposites. That was Stalin's communist dictatorship in Soviet Russia. Communism was hostile to the fascist dictatorship. The communist dictatorship, however, was no different from its hostile regimes, but rather more outrageous. The dictatorship violently annihilated not only other partisans in the country, but also all the factions within the party that could become its own opponents. In addition, it has destroyed religion, culture, art, social sciences, and all other ideas that could become the seeds of its own opposing forces in the country. And abroad, the dictatorship violently restored Russia's interests in the old era and pursued military advances to that end. In the logic of external expansion, Russian nationalism was openly proclaimed. But it had nothing to do with communism as a theory. In the end, the communist dictatorship became a mere communist version of nationalist fascism. But its communist color, even if it is false, still constrains Russia's nationalist dictatorship. In addition, the process of establishment of the communist dictatorship is different from nationalist fascism, which arises from nationalist populism. Thus, the difference distinguishes communist fascism from nationalist fascism and treats it as red fascism. But the majesty of communism obscured the truth that the regime was simply red fascism. Many left-wing activists, including communists, understood that red fascism was necessary for the survival of Russian communism. Even in the silence of these left-wing activists, the majesty of communism played a major role. As a result, while left-wing activists around the world denounced fascism, much of the humanitarian calamity of Russian communism was ignored. The truth of the Russian communist dictatorship finally becomes a universal public fact when the Russian communist dictatorship could not bear the burden inflicted by itself and screamed at itself. However, Russia's national strength was restored to a certain extent by the postwar reconstruction after World War II. Once again, the Russian communist dictatorship sinks all of Russia into a state of oxygen deprivation of Stalinist dictatorship. It would not be until 30 years later that Russian communism itself would once again raise its voice against the shackles brought about by the dictatorship. However, by this time, it was too late for Russian communism to change direction, and the Russian communist system itself collapsed.

1d) Red fascism and Putin's dictatorship

The majesty of communism in Soviet Russia played a major role in the survival of red fascism in Russia. On the other hand, the majesty is also a shackle for red fascism in Russia. It demands communist equality on the Russian red aristocracy and constrains the privileges of the red nobility. In its appearance, the hierarchy of the Russian red aristocracy is closer to the chain of command in the military than to the hierarchy of positions in the enterprise. The direction of its decision-making was not focused on the realization of the national interests of the fascist groups, but on the maintenance of order and its external expansion of the Russian communist system. The realization of the former national interests and the maintenance of order in the communist regime were in many ways identical in Soviet Russia at the time of the founding of the country. But the chain of command in the army was at odds with the realization of the personal interests of the fascist group, and it suffocated themselves. In addition, in a gigantic system with no free press, there is a limit to the military-style top-down. On the one hand, the rigid command system of ignoring the field leads to the accumulation of laziness and disregard of orders as it progresses to the terminal part of the system. And on the other hand, it produces corruption and depravity in the intermediate command system. In addition, the distribution of Russian interests to the local peoples and the Communist bloc of Eastern Europe was a heavy burden on Soviet Russia. Therefore, when Soviet Russia aims to correct this, the maintenance of order and external expansion of the communist system on the contrary affect the independence of each peoples under the regime and the communist bloc of Eastern Europe. However, it could also be seen as detrimental to the national interests of Russia at the time. Moreover, the cacophony was increased by the steady stabilization of people's lives in Russia and the exposure of relative poverty compared to the West through Western media. And it led to a confrontation between the Russian leadership and the military, which ultimately led to the collapse of Soviet Russia. Incidentally, what made the survival of the ultra-Stalinist regime in North Korea possible was the delay in the stability of the people's lives in the country and the prevention of the intrusion of the Western press that exposed its absolute poverty. Whichever of them collapses, it will probably be difficult for North Korea's dictatorship to survive. Compared to the previous Soviet Union and North Korea, the fate of red fascism in China is still in flux. The control of information in China has been looser than that of the previous Soviet Union, and there have always been people within the Communist Party who understand the need, including democratization, for China's modernization. This historical background supports China's liquidity. Therefore, also about the current response to the dictatorship of the Communist Party in China, it is necessary to determine whether China goes to the direction of nationalism or internationalism, in the form of a post-Xi Jinping era. On the other hand, Russia, by losing the majesty of communism, gained a domestic base to purify its red fascism into nationalist fascism. Russia's privileged groups no longer have to worry about communist missions such as equality and revolution. They profess purely Russian nationalism and allow them to concentrate their own interests. In fact, Putin's aim is not the restoration of communism, but the revival of purely Russian national glory. In the first place, Putin hates communism and denies revolution in general by the poor who resist dictatorship. His interest in Stalin follows the mere reason for his respect for Stalin's red fascism.

(1e) Religious fundamentalism

What is necessary for the overthrow of the authoritarian order is the establishment, maintenance and expansion of revolutionary groups against the dictatorial order. Once a revolutionary group is established, the irrational poverty and discrimination under the authoritarian order will rather affect the growth of the revolutionary group. But those people suffering from poverty and discrimination join the revolutionary group, only if they find the cause of their suffering in the authoritarian order. However, they are the uneducated and violent inhabitants of the underworld who suffer from irrational poverty and discrimination. And their ignorance and cruelty often keep them in the bottom world. On the contrary, their resentment of their own decline and their impulse to dominate with no direction rather invite them to fascism. At this time, if the ruling class of the authoritarian order actively supports them and merges with them, the uneducated and violent inhabitants of the underworld will join the ruling class of the autocratic order and reinforce the dictatorial order. Revolutions in developing countries, therefore, require a simple explanation that rightly directs the class grudges of the poor to the side of the privileged establishment. And communism has been chosen as the ideology suitable for this simple explanation. However, the erosion of communism's majesty has alienated the people of the world from communism. Still, what is needed here is a democratic revolution and the realization of a republican system. But what is necessary for the overthrow of the authoritarian order, as indicated earlier, is the establishment, maintenance, and expansion of revolutionary groups that oppose the dictatorial order. However, the part of the people who should be the subject of the democratic is suppressed, and the other part turns to patriotic fascists and supports the dictatorial order. Consequently, the absence of that revolutionary agent and the historical backwardness of communism lead to the establishment of an undemocratic, unpatriotic and irrational revolutionary agent among the people suffering from irrational poverty and discrimination. And exclusively religion appears there. It manifests itself as a traditional patriarchal social order that follows exclusively religious conventions. Its undemocratic nature is underpinned by rigid and stylized social principles. The principle is formulaic and does not require discussion. And because there is no need for discussion, individual members are expendable in the revolutionary group. The core of the revolutionary group is the idea of a fundamental social order. On the other hand, the unpatriotism of this revolutionary group places God's trust group in place of the existing ruling class. That is, the revolutionary group, in rebellion against the existing state, gives a new state to each member. In the end, the revolutionary entity is just another kind of patriotic fascism that has only established a different ruling group in place of the ruling group supported by the existing patriotic fascism. It is also immediately apparent that the revolutionary group's form of activity and organizational policy is Lenin-type Bolshevism. In other words, that other kind of fascism is also a different kind of red fascism that has only placed religious principles in revolutionary ideas instead of the fallen communism. However, unlike red fascism, fundamentalist fascism does not have a vision of the future of an egalitarian society more than nationalist fascism, and it lacks faith in scientific rationality. Perhaps the image of the future society it advocates is a religious despotic state of the group of fundamentalist clerics in Iran style, or same of the religious monarch in Saudi Arabia style. And that lack of scientific rationality justifies the killing of other sects, other peoples, and democrats within the regime in a self-destructive cult-style zeal. Of course, the denial of that talk not only denies talks with other democracies, but also denies talks between religious fundamentalists. Therefore, they do not know where the conflict will end. In other words, the historical retreat of communism has revived the demons of the old era in the present day.

(2024/01/14)
Continue⇒The present state of Russian fascism (2)
Original Japanese(1)⇒ロシアン・ファシズムの現在（１）

Materialist : List of articles