北美作业代写：American food aid policy

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的essay代写范文- American food aid policy，供大家参考学习，这篇论文讨论了美国的粮食援助政策。美国的粮食援助是由六个具有不同类别、功能和政策目标的粮食援助计划组成，这些计划由美国农业部和美国国际开发援助署分别进行管理。480公法是美国粮食援助的主要组成部分，其项下的480公法第二章是目前美国最大的粮食援助计划，占美国粮食援助的比重超过了70%。

Food aid falls into different categories and modalities. On the one hand, food aid is classified into emergency and non-emergency assistance by category. Emergency food aid, in the form of donations, is used to cope with natural and man-made emergencies, such as earthquakes, tsunamis and wars. Non-emergency food aid aims at solving the hunger and food security problems that have long plagued poor countries. Each year, there is a relatively fixed number of aid recipients and a stable amount of aid. Different from the free donation of emergency aid, some non-emergency food aid is monetized for sale in the local distribution of aid recipients, i.e., Monetization of food aid. On the other hand, food aid is divided into in-kind aid and cash aid in different ways. The former is for the donor countries to transport their own food to the recipient countries, while the latter is for the donor countries to use cash to directly purchase food in the recipient countries or surrounding areas. As the world's largest food donor, the United States has always given priority to food aid in kind. In 2007, the proportion of food aid in kind in the United States reached 99.3% of its total aid, which is obviously different from cash aid donors like the European Union.

The United States has many problems with its food aid in kind. First, because food aid in kind in the United States needs to be transported over long distances to reach recipient countries, food aid in kind must bear high transportation costs. According to a 2007 report by the office for government accountability in the United States, rising commercial and transportation costs have led to a 43 percent reduction in the amount of food aid delivered. In the main food aid program, public law 480, chapter 2, commercial and transportation costs have reached 65 percent of the total cost. In addition, the U.S. government requires that 75% of the total food aid must be shipped by U.S. shipping companies, which increases the cost of food transportation due to lack of competition. Second, food aid in kind lacks flexibility in responding to emergency food aid. Grain stored in U.S. farm warehouses, processed, packaged, and transported domestically and overseas, often takes four to six months to arrive. With the increasing frequency of natural disasters in the world in recent years, some poor countries in sub-saharan Africa and Asia have gradually increased their demand for emergency food aid. However, such a slow pace of food aid in the United States may miss the best opportunity for aid, which greatly reduces the actual effect of emergency food aid. Not only that, food aid that misses the best opportunity is likely to impact or disrupt the local food market of the recipient country. The food delivered after the recipient country recovers from the crisis will lead to a sharp drop in food prices in the local market, which will have an impact on the country's agriculture and food production. Third, the monetization of food aid in kind by the United States not only distorts international trade in food, but also disturbs the markets of recipient countries. In fact, a considerable proportion of the in-kind assistance of the United States, including the food for progress and the food for education program, is sold at preferential prices in recipient countries. This monetization of food aid has been widely questioned. On the one hand, the preferential sales of food aid will undoubtedly replace the commodity grain imports of recipient countries, and food aid will become disguised food export subsidy, which will definitely distort the normal commodity grain trade. Therefore, the monetization of food aid of the United States is strongly opposed by the major food aid donors and exporters led by the European Union, and it is also in conflict with the agricultural trade rules of the WTO. On the other hand, the local sale of food in recipient countries will also impact the agriculture and food production of recipient countries, making the already deteriorating food security situation in recipient countries more severe.

In a word, at present, the food aid of the United States is confronted with numerous problems. Under the situation of increasing demand for emergency food aid, the food aid mainly in kind is even less effective. Therefore, all relevant groups in the United States and other countries involved in international food aid have called on the United States government to increase the proportion of cash purchases of food around the recipient countries. The United States government has also deeply realized the necessity of food aid policy reform. During the solicitation of opinions on the farm act of 2008, the bush administration proposed that 25% of the program funds in chapter ii of public law 480 should be used as cash aid to purchase food locally or in surrounding areas in recipient countries, so as to improve the efficiency of food aid in kind.

Unlike previous farm bills, President George w. bush vetoed the new farm bill because he was dissatisfied with its content. But the veto was quickly voted down by congress, giving the $307 billion food, protection and energy bill final congressional authority and passage into law. Food aid remains a major trade issue in the new farm bill. Whether the new bill can make the desired adjustments to the food aid policy, or merely make superficial changes to the provisions of the minor provisions, requires an evaluation of the relevant provisions of the food aid policy in the bill.

The farm bill's new provisions come as a disappointment to a broad range of concerns about the transition of food aid from in-kind to cash. The bill makes no changes to the form of aid provided under chapter 2 of the 480 public law. It is clear that the government's proposal to allocate cash aid has not been adopted, which means that the food aid program will maintain its existing form of aid in kind. Even though the bill was added as an experimental plan for $60 million, total cost of the set in different years, different amount of cash, cash to assess the effect of food aid, but relative to the total of $2 billion in food aid, the experimental plan accounted for only 3%, the effect of aid may be difficult to assess due to was not significant. , on the other hand, due to the effect of cash assistance in other countries have been demonstrated in the process, especially in the process of emergency food aid, cash has basically been recognized to be one of the most efficient way of aid, and therefore does not seem to be set up the necessity of experimental plan, set up the project can be regarded as delay "road" of the reform of in-kind food aid.

The farm bill also sets out new rules to address the long lead times for the delivery of food aid in the United States. Moving food from U.S. farms to markets in recipient countries requires a number of intermediate steps that, if not properly connected, can extend the time it takes to reach its destination. To speed up the operational cycle of food aid by making it easier to prepare, store, transport and deliver packaged food, the new bill would raise the ceiling on the budget for intermediate steps from $3m a year to $8m. In addition, to shorten the delivery cycle of food aid, the United States has established a number of pre-storage sites, or site-specific storage sites, at home and abroad to speed up the response to emergency food aid. The bill would raise the budget ceiling for targeted foreign storage of food aid from $2 million to $10 million and allow the funds to be used to assess and establish new storage sites. These provisions are only changes under the original framework of food aid, namely, to increase the budget of funds to improve the flexibility and response speed of food aid to emergencies on the premise of ensuring food aid in kind. Obviously, these new policies and regulations increase the government's financial expenditure, but do not increase the amount of food aid, only increase the budget in exchange for reducing the response time of food aid, which will inevitably lead to more waste of food aid funds.

All in all, the 2008 farm bill did not adopt the bush administration's $300 million in funding for cash aid, but established a $60 million gross experimental local procurement plans, in response to the dissatisfaction with food aid to the low efficiency, but the necessity of to set up the experimental plan and may be difficult to assess the effect of; We increased financial support for the intermediate links of in-kind aid, strengthened in-kind food aid, and increased the waste of funds while improving the time efficiency of in-kind aid. Overall, these new rules did not make substantive changes in food aid policy, also did not fundamentally change the status quo of the United States is given priority to with real food aid, but it doesn't matter in some aspect of the article made some surface, in fact is to strengthen the support for in-kind food aid, the U.S. food aid problems such as high cost, low efficiency, and monetization is still there.

Despite the high cost and low efficiency of food aid in the United States, the farm act of 2008 failed to fundamentally solve the problem, indicating that there is considerable resistance to the adjustment of food aid policies. The main reason is the influence of various interest groups in the food aid of the United States on the policy making. The interests closely related to food aid in the United States mainly include farmers, transportation sectors, transnational food trading companies and private voluntary organizations. These interest groups strongly oppose any possible policy adjustment of food aid in order to protect their vested interests in food aid in kind.

American agriculture has been subsidized by the government for a long time. The problem of overproduction of agricultural products, especially bulk food products, has been troubling the American government and farmers for a long time. Under the premise that the oversupply of agricultural products in the domestic market cannot be changed, the government has set its target on the foreign market, hoping to solve the problem of overproduction by exporting agricultural products. It is against this background that food aid entered the stage of history. Although assistance under section 416 is currently very low, food aid, supported by financial support from the government, has a clear role in subsidising food exports by sending food abroad. Food aid can also be seen as a disguised export subsidy policy implemented by the United States under the pretext of humanitarian aid. As a result, food aid has been supported by food producers in the United States. The United States wheat association opposes purchases in areas around recipient countries that are not in emergency assistance and supports appropriate monetization of food aid. American farmers are one of the interest groups blocking food aid reform.

The United States government requires that no less than 75 percent of food aid be shipped through its own shipping companies, providing a steady source of business for the transportation sector. In recent years, about us $1 billion has been spent on food aid in the United States to cover transportation costs, accounting for about half of the total budget. It can be seen that the transportation sector plays an important role in the interest chain of food aid. If food aid in kind were reformed and part of it spent on local procurement in recipient countries, it would inevitably reduce the volume of food transport and thus reduce the benefits of the transport sector, which was unacceptable. No wonder, then, that the transport sector is the strongest opponent of cash for food aid. The farm act of 2008, which added transportation representatives to the food aid advisory group, will strengthen its role as a deterrent to food aid reform.

Multinational food trading companies and private voluntary organizations involved in the distribution of food aid are also supporters of food aid in kind. Transnational grain trading companies dominate the world's grain trade, and can be seen from the processing, packaging, transportation and other links of grain. Food aid in kind is supported by stable financial funds provided by the us government, providing a stable source of business for food transnational corporations. Private voluntary organizations achieve their humanitarian relief goals by applying for food aid from government agencies and then offering partial preferential sales of food aid locally in recipient countries. Because these private voluntary organizations have become dependent on U.S. food aid, they are also supporters of U.S. food aid in kind. If the U.S. government gives food aid directly in cash, these organizations lose their main source of income and are unable to achieve their aid goals, which they do not want.

Interest groups play an important role in the formulation of the food aid policy of the United States. As long as the policy reform may harm their interests, these interest groups will lobby the members of congress to vote against the reform proposals of the government and research institutions and hinder the reform process of the food aid policy. As long as these interest groups exist and have a voice in congressional decision-making, it will be difficult to adjust U.S. food aid policies. Although the WTO and the European Union have been urging the reform of food aid to the United States, they are unable to shake the dominant position of various interest groups in the food aid of the United States and make fundamental changes in the food aid policy of the United States due to their lack of coercive force. As a result, U.S. food aid in kind will continue.

In conclusion, although the United States is given priority to with real food aid inefficiency, lack of flexibility in the process of emergency food aid, but because of the powerful interests against the reform in the process of policy making, the 2008 farm act does not make substantive changes in food aid policy, the U.S. food aid to such problems as high cost, low efficiency, and monetization is still there. U.S. food aid didn't really have to solve the food security problem in developing countries for a long time, the biggest beneficiary is America's farmers, international food trade company and different interest groups, such as transportation department these interests to share most of the food aid interests chain, and as the development of food aid recipient countries have been the only American interest groups to aid policy game a by-product of success. If food aid of the United States is to get back on track and solve the current problems of high cost and inefficiency, it must weaken the influence of interest groups on aid policies and make food aid truly become a humanitarian aid operation serving developing countries.

Since 2005, China has transformed itself from a recipient of food aid to a donor of food aid, playing an increasingly important role in international aid affairs. As a country with a large population in the world, ensuring domestic food security has always been the most important food policy objective of the Chinese government. Although China is not yet able to become an important food aid donor country in the world like the United States, food aid can not only alleviate the current situation of world hunger and maintain world food security, improve China's international status, but also help enhance the political and economic relations between China and the recipient countries and maintain regional peace and stability. Therefore, within the scope of government financial funds, China still has the necessity of carrying out foreign food aid. In the process of implementing food aid, China should adopt different forms of aid according to different situations of donor countries. On the one hand, the ocean the other shore of sub-saharan African countries, should be given priority to with food aid in the form of cash, such as the southern African countries to China in December 2008 of lesotho food aid, is through the world food programme donate $1 million in cash, in the recipient countries local purchase 1336 tons of corn flour for rescue, had a very good effects and international aid; On the other hand, food aid to countries with food crisis around China should be mainly in kind. For example, food aid to the DPRK, myanmar and other countries timely alleviates the hunger situation in these countries and effectively implements humanitarian emergency food aid.

51due留学教育原创版权郑重声明：原创essay代写范文源自编辑创作，未经官方许可，网站谢绝转载。对于侵权行为，未经同意的情况下，51Due有权追究法律责任。主要业务有essay代写、assignment代写、paper代写、作业代写服务。

51due为留学生提供最好的essay代写服务，亲们可以进入主页了解和获取更多essay代写范文 提供代写服务，详情可以咨询我们的客服QQ：800020041。

北美作业代写：Interest groups

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的assignment代写范文- Interest groups，供大家参考学习，这篇论文讨论了利益集团。利益集团，指的是一个持有共同态度、向社会其它集团提出要求的集团。如果它通过向政府的任何机构提出要求，它就变成一个政治性利益集团。利益集团的利益既包括财富等经济内容，也包括意识形态和思想主张等非经济内容。一般认为，政党不是利益集团，因为政党和利益集团追求的目标不同。然而政党和利益集团有着密切的关系，政党内部一直存在着不同的利益集团和势力，所以政党无疑是利益集团的政治代言人。

The United States is a highly developed country with the largest number and types of interest groups in the world. The activities of interest groups can be seen behind the introduction of any policy in the United States. The formulation of any policy is the result of the game between different interest groups and represents and reflects the goal pursuit of different interest groups. America trade policy with China is no exception.

An interest group is a group that holds a common attitude and makes demands on other groups in society. If it makes a request to any body of government, it becomes a political interest group. The "interests" of interest groups include not only economic contents such as wealth, but also non-economic contents such as public interests, ideology and ideological propositions. Generally speaking, political parties are not interest groups because they pursue different goals. The former seeks to ensure that its members win government elections so that they can take office; the latter is mainly outside the broad sense of government to try to influence the relevant policies of the government. But in fact, political parties and interest groups have always been closely related, and there have always been different interest groups and forces within the political parties. Political parties are political spokesmen for interest groups.

Since the 1990s, interest groups have significantly increased their influence in the formulation of U.S. China policies, especially trade policies, and have in fact led the trend of U.S. trade policies toward China. The reasons are mainly as follows:

The reason why interest groups can get involved in the formulation of American foreign policy is closely related to the unique political system and tradition of the United States. Firstly, the constitution and political tradition of the United States encourage the existence of different views and interest groups, which play a guarantee and encouragement role for interest groups to participate in the decision-making process. Secondly, the separation of powers and checks and balances in the United States creates extremely favorable conditions for interest groups to conduct political lobbying. Finally, frequent presidential, congressional and local elections, as well as the money politics behind them, have also increased the influence of interest groups on the government and lawmakers, making it easier for them to influence government decisions. These characteristics of the American regime provide the conditions for interest groups to exert influence on the decision-making process of the government. With the decline of the influence of political parties in the United States and the intensification of the decentralization of government power in recent years, interest groups have been playing a more and more important role in American political decision-making.

After the end of the cold war, America's foreign relations have become more flexible and are not as easily controlled by national security strategy as in the past. It is difficult for the administration to lead foreign policy alone, and congress and interest groups no longer raise objections to the government's decisions as they did in the past, but become increasingly active in foreign decision-making. As China and the United States no longer have the overwhelming "common strategic interest" of "united resistance against the Soviet union", various interest groups such as human rights and religion, which were suppressed by "national security" in the cold war, came to the forefront one after another. In order to protect and promote the interests of the group, all interest groups are trying to exert influence on the foreign policy of the United States. The trade policy toward China, which was originally a purely economic issue, has become the bargaining chip and tool for them to achieve their own political purposes.

With the economic globalization, Sino-us economic and trade relations have been further developed. Economic and trade issues in the three pillars of the United States' China policy -- "economy and trade, security and human rights" -- have gradually become the mainstream of china-us relations, and the maintenance of economic interests plays an extremely important role in the us foreign policy. As a result, relevant interest groups from the industrial and commercial circles, which were not interested in China's trade policy in the first place, also took part in the formulation of China's trade policy. Again after entering the 21st century, the economy of China into a period of rapid growth, the us business community awareness of the importance of the Chinese market has further, they will have good and stable trade with China as a huge earnings, which leads to its activity of policy-making influence has entered a new phase, both on the effect of size, strength and there has been a qualitative change.

At present, the relationship between China and the United States is getting closer and closer. As the areas of contact between the two countries increase, more and more interest groups are involved. Under such conditions, all kinds of interest groups try their best to participate in the formulation of trade policies with China, and all want to make the policies develop in a direction that is beneficial to them. Interest groups influence policy-making in a variety of ways, including: first, direct lobbying and extra-judicial activities. Such as direct contact with government officials and their aides, attending committee hearings and assisting in decision-making. Second, provide money and influence the campaign. Interest groups set up political action committees that provide money to candidates who want to run for President, governor, or Congressman in the hope of influencing policy through congress or the government. Third, create public opinion pressure. It is mainly through the power of the media to form a favorable social atmosphere and public opinion to guide the government and the congress. In some cases, the government has been pressured by strikes, sit-ins, marches and other demonstrations. In addition, interest groups may resist the implementation of policies or laws against them through judicial proceedings.

Through the above means, interest groups have exerted their influence in all stages of the formulation and implementation of U.S. trade policies with China. First, before policy formulation, interest groups will construct policy issues and set agenda, so as to make the issues and opinions they care about and advocate become hot spots and attract the attention of the public, the government and the congress. Second, in the process of policy decision-making, interest groups take various measures, such as providing data and information, inducing public opinion and lobbying, etc., to promote the evolution of policies in favor of their own interests. Third, in the process of policy implementation, interest groups will supervise and control the implementation of policies and affect the adjustment of policies. In this way, interest groups have penetrated their influence into all aspects of policy formulation, making the policy fully reflect their will and protect their interests.

At present, on the issue of trade policy with China, interest groups are divided into two camps: one is an anti-china group represented by labor and human rights organizations; the other is an industrial and commercial enterprise group that supports the development of Sino-us trade. Their attitudes towards Sino-us trade are diametrically opposed.

In the United States, the members of interest groups opposed to improving Sino-us relations and obstructed by every means on Sino-us economic and trade issues are relatively complex and have different goals, which can usually be divided into the following two categories. The first is the so-called "fair trade" interest groups, mainly labor organizations and small business organizations. Because China's cheap products affect the income and employment of the members of these organizations, they advocate a tough trade policy with China and require restrictions on imports from China in the form of tariffs and quotas. The second is human rights organizations, religious organizations, environmental protection organizations and non-proliferation organizations. This is the kind of organization that creates and renders a lot of things and is the most active in action. They often accuse China of violating international agreements, restricting human rights, damaging the environment and proliferating weapons of mass destruction. For this reason, negative reports have been carried out from time to time to smear China. These interest groups do not consider economic factors at all. They only care about the object of trade rather than the trade itself. They are hardcore anti-china forces and advocate economic sanctions against China. They obstruct not only the deepening of china-us economic and trade relations, but also the normal development of china-us political relations.

Interest groups supporting the promotion of china-us economic and trade relations are mainly business organizations with economic ties to China. It can be divided into three categories: first, the groups engaged in export and investment to China are mainly large enterprise groups or organizations with relatively high competitiveness in the United States, such as Boeing, AT&T, three major automobile companies, as well as service industry associations and agricultural product export associations. Second, groups importing products from China or investing in and processing in China are mainly composed of import enterprises and retail enterprises related to daily consumer goods. Third, companies and enterprises engaged in the re-export trade between China and the United States. From the perspective of economy, these interest groups strongly advocate maintaining sound and stable economic and trade relations with China. They form another political alliance with officials in the U.S. government who handle specific issues and those who view U.S. -china relations objectively.

The alliance of these two major interest groups did their best to compete with each other for influence on the issue of American trade policy with China and played an important role in the formulation of the policy. Driven by economic interests, such interest groups as industry, commerce, agriculture, service industry and importers have made every effort to maintain sound and stable china-us economic and trade relations. But human rights, labor, environmental protection, religion and the goals pursued by pro-Taiwan interest groups overlap and form anti-china alliances. Their uproar has intensified negative public attitudes towards Beijing, put pressure on Washington and seriously disrupted the normal development of bilateral relations. It is up to the dominant position to decide which of the two Italian league alliances can influence the trade policy towards China. The fluctuation of power between them is the main reason for the swing of the us trade policy towards China. When the anti-china group forces are on the rise, it will lead to the Sino-us relations in a dangerous situation; When the china-friendly group rises, it will push congress and the President to reach consensus on China policy and put china-us economic and trade relations on a sound track of development.

In the early post-cold war period, so-called human rights, religion and political groups dominated China's policies, so trade policies as purely economic issues had to be involved with politics. The annual review of "most-favored-nation treatment" and additional clauses are the product of this era. However, with the rapid growth of China's economy, complementary and win-win economic and trade exchanges have become the mainstream of china-us relations, so the influence of industrial and commercial interest groups is growing. Compared with the opposition camp, the advantage of commercial interest groups lies in their huge economic resources and sufficient funds, which enable them to effectively lobby the government and congress through multiple channels. Not only that, the development of the business class is directly related to the American economy and employment situation, so it occupies an important position in American political life.

At present, judging from the strength comparison between the alliance of two major interest groups, the positive forces supporting the development of Sino-us trade are greater than the conservative forces, and the normal development of Sino-us economic and trade relations has a relatively stable foundation.

At present, economic and trade exchanges and cooperation between China and the United States have reached a considerable scale. In 2007, the total value of china-us trade was 302.08 billion us dollars, an increase of 15% over the previous year. The America became the second largest trading partner of China, while China became the third largest export market of the us and the fastest-growing export market, and will become the second largest trading partner of the us. The mutually beneficial and win-win china-us economic and trade relations have not only brought tangible economic benefits to the American people and interest groups, but also become an important foundation and powerful driving force for the development of china-us relations and an "internal stabilizer" of china-us relations.

Under such conditions, under the pressure of dominant industrial and commercial interest groups, the us trade policy towards China will be based on maintaining relatively stable and sound economic and trade relations with China, and will focus on urging China to fulfill its WTO commitments, accelerate market opening and institutional reform. By urging China to fulfill its WTO commitments, it can promote American values of freedom and promote China's rule of law and political, social and economic reforms. It will promote the expansion of American financial and other service industries in China and create more opportunities for American goods to enter the Chinese market. This is very much in the interest of us domestic political forces and big export groups.

However, the stable us trade policy with China does not mean that the development of Sino-us trade will be smooth sailing. Protectionist forces still have considerable influence in the United States. Interest groups representing traditional industries will exert influence on the formulation of American policies through various ways. The expanding trade deficit and unemployment also create the policy demand for the protection of domestic traditional industries. In order to appease the dissatisfaction of interest groups and meet other political needs, the U.S. government will use safeguard measures and other means in its foreign trade policies to protect the domestic market. In addition, there are some extreme anti-china groups, such as human rights and religious organizations, who, for their own special interests, always try their best to stir up public antipathy and hostility towards China. All these factors will make the development of normal economic and trade relations between China and the United States variable.

Moreover, from the perspective of development trend, the interest pursuit of various interest groups in the United States is multi-faceted, and their position on China is not fixed, but is changing with the change of the situation and the drive of interests. Therefore, the views of interest groups on the United States' trade policy toward China will also change. For example, service industry, agriculture and other interest groups have been the major producers of sino-us trade disputes in recent years. They have repeatedly pressed China on issues such as intellectual property rights, agricultural imports and the opening of the service sector, demanding that Washington intervene in trade. Although these interest groups demand stronger economic and trade ties with China in order to safeguard their own interests and support a stable trade policy with China, when their expected interests cannot be realized, they will turn to anger at China and demand a tough policy against China to meet their interests. For some time to come, these interest groups are expected to focus on areas other than textiles where trade disputes between China and the us are most likely to occur.

51due留学教育原创版权郑重声明：原创assignment代写范文源自编辑创作，未经官方许可，网站谢绝转载。对于侵权行为，未经同意的情况下，51Due有权追究法律责任。主要业务有assignment代写、essay代写、paper代写服务。

51due为留学生提供最好的assignment代写服务，亲们可以进入主页了解和获取更多assignment代写范文 提供北美作业代写服务，详情可以咨询我们的客服QQ：800020041。

Research Proposal的写作结构

Research Proposal，指的是研究计划，是留学生在申请英国博士学位中的非常重要的文书材料。由于Research Proposal的写作难度非常大，所以让很多硕士留学生感到非常头疼，其中原因很有可能是大家对Research Proposal的写作结构不太了解，下面就给大家讲解一下。

首先确定自己到底对什么方向感兴趣，这个是Research Proposal的核心，也是写作的前提。主题的确定可以参考看一些本专业的综述，找一些有类似项目而非前人做过的:

再就要阅读大量自己感兴趣方向的文献。在阅读的过程中，既要读的多也要读的透。读的多是为了保证对这个方向有个充分的认识，充分的了解现状;读的透，是要做批判性的阅读，在阅读的过程中要思考文献的独到之处及不足之处。而这个不足之处很有可能就是申请人自己研究的重点解决对象.

最后：在确定主题后，简单介绍Research Proposal的结构:

1. Proposed Title即研究的主题.

2. Introduction简要概括说明为什么要做这项研究，价值是什么，通过研究希望达到什么样的目的，以及计划如何去实施研究.

3. Literature Review

即对相关方面的领域研究经典文献的简短回顾，然后进行概括性的总结，进而提出自己新的研究课题。这部分需要整理自己的观点并融合到文章中，而不能简单的抄文献.

1. Research Method

将要采用的研究方法。这就是实现申请人自己提出的课题的计划和方法，比如实验步骤，所需时间，以及实验结果的分析方法等，以及预期达到的结果。这是Research Proposal的核心部分，要有自己的观点，提出的方法要注意可行性。

1. Research Time-Table

研究时间表。具体研究计划在这里需要明确写出，并将整个过程分阶段划分出来，并逐一确定要完成的研究任务.

1. Reference文章最后需要标明引用借鉴文献的出处.

总之，有关于留学生博士申请需要的Research Proposal更多的知识可以参考下次写作的建议。

以上就是关于Research Proposal写作结构的详细讲解，希望同学们在了解Research Proposal的写作结构之后，都能写出一篇好的Research Proposal。

想要了解更多英国论文写作技巧或者需要英国代写，请关注51Due英国论文代写平台，51Due是一家专业的论文代写机构，专业辅导海外留学生的英文论文写作，主要业务有英国代写、essay代写、assignment代写、paper代写。亲们可以进入主页了解和获取更多关于英国代写以及英国留学资讯，我们将为广大留学生提升写作水平，帮助他们达成学业目标。如果您有英国代写需求，可以咨询我们的客服QQ：800020041。

Paper代写：Urban color design

本篇paper代写- Urban color design讨论了城市色彩设计。城市色彩的和谐美、自然美原则是城市色彩设计中的核心原则，在城市的设计中，整个色彩应围绕和谐美和自然美去设计，重点处理好人工装饰色彩与自然色彩的色彩关系，将这些色彩和谐地组合在一起。这种和谐是在统一的基础上有变化，在变化中统一协调，如果变化差异大就会产生色彩混乱，所以要有一个统一的主风格，配以辅色，达到协调一致。本篇paper代写由51due代写平台整理，供大家参考阅读。

The principle of harmonious and natural beauty of urban color is the core principle of urban color design. The whole color should be designed around the harmonious and natural beauty, and the color relationship between artificial decorative color and natural color should be dealt with. These colors should be combined harmoniously to achieve harmony, nature and unity. This kind of harmony is to have change on unified foundation, in change unified and harmonious, change difference is big can produce color chaos, without harmony, but without change, can heavy, dead, want to have unified advocate style, match with complementary color, achieve harmonious and consistent. In urban color design, should try to artificial color into natural color, like the dark blue sky blue sea Venice with natural color as the background, combined with the modern artificial color lively, bright, make the whole city color is full of tourism city unique charm, artificial and natural color opportunely but one, like Paris mainly choose beige tone unification romantic, noble gas acquisition slowly overflow. In 2000, Beijing proposed that "the main color of the facade color of Beijing urban buildings is a composite color based on gray tone, so as to create a stable, atmospheric and plain and elegant urban environment". In February 2001, Harbin chose exotic amorous feelings, light color fantasy tone as the main tone of the city, hangzhou established the "water town" as the city's logo color. In 2006, chengdu urban planning bureau issued the "urban planning urban architecture main tone is gray composite tone, the color of these cities and local natural color harmony, harmonious beauty.

In urban color design, local climate, sunshine, air humidity, architecture, culture, natural environment, human environment and urban characteristics should be fully taken into account for scientific, artistic, careful investigation, careful planning and careful design. Make the city color become an organic part of the whole city planning, form a good city color, give people the enjoyment of beauty, make it become the city nature, the guide of the performance of each region, become the symbol of the city, become the business card of the city. Take Sydney opera house as an example, the main color of this building is white, the whole Sydney is in the big blue color, the strong finish, the blue lake, especially like the sailing forward, in spring, summer, autumn and winter, dawn and dusk, rain or shine fog and rain complement each other.

The main controller of urban architectural color and landscape designer should fully consider that buildings are greatly affected by lighting and climate. In sunny days and cloudy days, the same color will give people different feelings. For example, if the building in sunny days is warm color, the image will be more prominent and close to the front. The dark black building is composed and heavy, but dull and contracted on cloudy days. For example, the architectural color of the Kennedy library built by the United States in memory of kenmindi is mainly black, which fully displays the significance of the commemoration of Kennedy in the library and forms a solemn atmosphere of meditation and memory. This should analyze the visual effect of city color under different natural conditions.

Over the years, Chinese urban color has not attracted the attention of the government, designers, once blindly worship the west, the construction of European architecture, deliberately imitate foreign, of course, color has been imitated only wonderful but xiao, completely regardless of the color aesthetic needs of the people. In this respect, Tokyo of Japan and France have already issued urban color planning scheme, so designers in addition to being familiar with the visual perception of color itself, but also in urban color design must consider the aesthetic taste of different nationalities, different countries, different regions and preferences, taboo color... In the process of development, every city, due to social and natural conditions, will form a special color, and local residents love for a hundred years, urban color accumulation of urban history. For example, northern cities in China are used to warm colors, while southern cities are used to cool colors. Temple buildings are used to dark brown and red, yellow glazed tiles, and kindergartens are used to colorful colors with high purity and lightness. This not only retains the local characteristics, but also avoids the similarities, so that the color not only meets the overall planning of visual science, but also meets the character's spiritual needs of color, and brings people the enjoyment of beauty. Color of palace of Chinese ancient building is housetop with yellow, blue green color picture is eaves, have weight feeling, grave, opaque dark dark red is wall color, revealed the beauty that power, luxuriant atmosphere riches and honor changes to riches and honor, and the color of jiangnan always has gray tile, white wall characteristic. Color configuration using Chinese traditional plaster of white metope, gray brick line with their feet as the basic and tonal simple but elegant, clean, baptize, vigorous and simple style makes this area such as wan lightsome, young girl, has a graceful and restrained beauty, simple beauty, like the German city of red tile and yellow wall, fully pays attention to the local climate environment, respect for people's traditional color preferences, the continuation of local history context, using color to reflect the style of the city, and cultural qualities, make people picking out. Urban color has become the carrier of urban culture. If it is not continued, blindly imitated and randomly selected by cloning, the city's history will be cut off and the memory of history and culture will be lost.

Because the function of each area is different in the city, color differs somewhat necessarily, the unity that should master basic tonal and functional partition tonal and change principle when urban color is designed, and cannot emphasize the difference of the function, make color mutate, cause the city color rubbish of bizarre land.

In urban planning, functional planning is often divided into regions. The state has a big plan for each city, such as the coastal commercial city with economy as the center of development, and the Inner Mongolia city with agriculture, grass and wood as the center of development. Yunnan to tourism as a key tourist city division. Each city has its own center of gravity, and different centers of gravity have different functions. Cities have different functional priorities. Can act like: residential area, business district, office district, industrial district, cultural district and so on, the color design of these areas should be distinguished. The colors of the business district should be bright and eye-catching, which can attract people's eyes. The color of industrial area should concise, lively; The color of cultural district should be elegant and implicit; The color of recreational area wants lively, bright, relaxed, arouse the optimistic mood of the person, the color of residential area should use downy, bright, warm color, and office area should be given priority to with reason, sedate, calm color. Therefore urban color should be on the premise of grand unification, function partition design color, in the case of city unified fundamental key, avoid is used a too pure bright dazzling strong contrast color, the color is easy to empty and drab, lightness and purity change if hot, color design both obey the city functional partition principle of color, give a person with elegant aesthetic pleasure is harmonious and comfortable, lively and interesting.

In addition, the function of micro color in the whole city color cannot be neglected in the urban color. It is the unit component of urban color and can also show the political, economic, ethnic, cultural and other urban levels of the city. For example, the design of traffic car color in micro color, the color of London and Paris unified taxi is black, the thick and dripping wet embodiment of London and Paris, Beijing chose "yellow", will be the perfect embodiment of the royal city dignitaries. Chengdu taxi, blue, green for the body, roof yellow, the use of two colors, the image of chengdu is a famous cultural city, vibrant modern city.

The body of the city is a colorful and vivid, it is a form of a symbol, but also a kind of culture, regardless of the color of the city and local design, or the overall design, micro design, also the macro design, whether it is artificial color design, or natural color design, follow the above mentioned in the design of urban color design principle of color can make the city more colorful and make city life more rich poetic flavor, let the color to make our city more vitality, more perfect.

要想成绩好，英国论文得写好，51due代写平台为你提供英国留学资讯，专业辅导，还为你提供专业英国essay代写，paper代写，report代写，需要找论文代写的话快来联系我们51due工作客服QQ：800020041或者Wechat：Abby0900吧。

Essay代写：British diplomacy in the middle and near east during World War I

下面为大家整理一篇优秀的essay代写范文- British diplomacy in the middle and near east during World War I，供大家参考学习，这篇论文讨论了一战期间英国在中近东地区的外交。在第一次世界大战期间，英国在中近东地区建立了一个包括《海峡协定》、麦克马洪一侯赛因通信和《赛克斯一皮科协定》在内的相互依存、互为补充的条约体系。在这个体系中，英国几乎在同一时间与阿拉伯王公和法国代表谈判，对土耳其亚洲领土做出了互为矛盾的承诺。对中近东地区，英国首先关注的是战局进展，在战时特定条件下与法俄两个盟友的协调关系，但也需要长远的战略考虑。

During the first World War I, Britain established an interdependent and complementary treaty system in the middle and near east, including the straits agreement, McMahon-hussein communications and the sykes-picot agreement. The straits agreement was the starting point of this system. In wartime, Britain agreed to solve the problems of Constantinople and the straits in accordance with Russia's will after the war. It abandoned the traditional policy of sticking to Turkey for decades and started the prelude of carving up the Ottoman empire and changing the pattern of the middle and near east. McMahon-hussain's communications reflect both Britain's wartime demands for defeating Turkey and its Allies and Britain's strategic consideration of seeking new goals to replace Turkey. The sykes-picot agreement divided the interests of the great powers in Turkey and Asia, which pushed the partition of the Ottoman empire to the climax. In this system, Britain negotiated with Arab princes and French representatives almost at the same time and made contradictory commitments to Turkey's Asian territory. It can be seen from the analysis of the contradictions in British policies that, for the middle and near east region, the UK first pays attention to the progress of the war, and coordinates the relationship with France and Russia under specific wartime conditions, but it also needs long-term strategic consideration. It is against this complex background that McMahon hussain communications and the sykes-picot agreement have emerged, both of which are attempts by the British government to coordinate all aspects of its relations in order to achieve its strategic intentions. This paper tries to analyze and explain the contradiction of Britain's dual-track diplomacy and explore the root and essence of its constantly changing and adjusting policies.

In March 1915, in order to keep Russia on the eastern front in the war against Germany, the British government was prepared to satisfy Russia's long-standing desire for the Turkish strait, and held two meetings to discuss Britain's compensation demands. Foreign secretary Edward gray made it clear that: "the divide Turkey is premature." It was essential, he argued, to create a british-sponsored Arab kingdom in the middle and near east to replace Turkey, which had defected to its Allies, as a barrier to Britain's path to the east. In particular, gray stressed that religious sentiment in the islamic world could serve Britain's purpose. The secretary of state for the army and others, while pressing for territorial compensation, also favor the creation of new barriers to replace Turkey. "If we carve up Turkey, our interest is to create an Arab kingdom under the auspices of the United Kingdom," he said. He also detailed the kingdom's geographical reach: "the northern borders are on the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, including the holy land, mecca, medina and akbar." It can be seen that he combined the partition of Turkey with the establishment of an Arab kingdom to protect the interests of Britain in the middle and near east.

Several meetings to Turkey Asian territorial issues specific solutions are put forward, and the war situation requires the development of the British government has a clear policy and so on April 8, 1915, asquith from the ministry of foreign affairs, Indian affairs, the war department, the admiralty sent a personnel, composed of Morrison's deputy foreign minister, assistant ? gravels, gravels, committee for the President. The task of the commission is to study in a comprehensive and detailed manner Britain's position and strategy in the middle and near east, provide constructive advice to the government, and study and answer the question "once the war is won, how to solve and deal with the Turkish issue is in the best interest of Britain".

From 12 April to 28 May, the debundsen commission held 13 meetings to discuss various views on the arrangements made by Turkey after the war and to envisage various solutions and their possible implications. After six weeks of discussion, the committee submitted the debonsen report on 30 June 1915.

The report systematically put forward four ideas: one is to carve up the Ottoman empire; The second is to divide the spheres of influence of the great powers in the Ottoman empire. Third, conditionally maintain the independence of the Ottoman empire; Fourth, the decentralization system of the Ottoman empire was adopted. The report provides a detailed analysis of the four options:

Russia controls the straits and Armenia, France gets silesia and Syria. Britain acquired Haifa and Baghdad and built a railway connecting them. Turkey is confined to Anatolia. The report analyzes that although the partition plan is easy to be accepted by all parties, it will also bring a series of unfavorable factors to Britain. On the one hand, it will hurt the feelings of muslims around the world and endanger British rule in India. On the other hand, it makes it possible for France to change the sea power balance in the eastern Mediterranean region by controlling alexandre letta. The report therefore believes that the partition of Turkey should be avoided and postponed to the extent possible.

On the premise of basically maintaining the original territory of the Ottoman empire, it was divided into the spheres of influence of the great powers to protect the economic rights and interests of the great powers. This arrangement is conducive to Turkey's early withdrawal from the war. However, the division of spheres of influence also involves disputes over the interests of foreign powers, which may lead to conflicts within the entente. The report is very concerned about such consequences.

To maintain the independence of the Ottoman empire, the specific approach is similar to the second approach, but the scope of interests of the great powers is not clearly divided and the status quo of the empire is maintained as far as possible. This approach allows Turkey to continue to act as a buffer zone based on the consideration of delaying the resolution of this difficult issue. But the report argues that France and Russia will not be satisfied with such an arrangement, which may create new contradictions among the entente parties and bring "hidden dangers to long-term peace". The conflict between Britain and France and Russia will intensify sooner or later because of the uncertainty about the sphere of influence of the great powers.

To decentralize the Ottoman empire and continue to maintain the existence of the Ottoman empire in the form of decentralization. The idea was to divide the empire into five autonomous provinces: Anatolia, Armenia, Syria, Palestine and iraq-jezira. The report believes that this arrangement can avoid direct acquisition of Turkish Asian territory by foreign powers without further negative impact. The final conclusions of the report therefore favor this programme.

In the analysis of Britain's future strategy, the report, for the first time, takes Britain, France, Arab princes and other factors into consideration, and further deepens politicians' thinking on solving the problems of the middle and near east. The report sees that the Ottoman empire is difficult to maintain, does not advocate continuing to insist on its independence, but also does not want to change the status quo immediately, and tends to compromise options: make the Ottoman empire decentralization, limit the political infiltration and military expansion of the great powers, avoid early division of contradictions. But this ignores some important factors: first, the Ottoman empire itself has been severely weakened, and formal unity is difficult to maintain; Second, the rise of Arab nationalist movements in imperial territories has gradually become an important force affecting the war situation. Moreover, the premise of such an idea is that the UK can lead the situation in the middle and near east alone, which is extremely unrealistic from the perspective of the development of the situation.

In addition, although the report does not endorse the immediate partition of Turkey, it stresses the need for special treatment of the territory of Turkey in Asia, which is of the greatest concern to the United Kingdom because of its strategic importance. According to the report, Britain has always enjoyed political and economic advantages in the Persian gulf and has not allowed other powers to infiltrate the region politically and militarily. Mesopotamia, which is located in the Mesopotamia basin and rich in oil resources, is of great economic significance to Britain and has a prominent strategic position and should be controlled by Britain.

The author thinks that, not the gravels sen report at that time, the British government's decision is only reflect the opinion to the report, some crucial characters, such as gray, qin na, Churchill, did not attend the draft report, report has never been formally approved by the British government, from this perspective, the value of it cannot be overestimated. It should be noted, however, that some of the principles and recommendations of the report laid the foundation for a change in British policy. The report's particular focus on the control of Mesopotamia shows the great interest of senior British officials in the creation of a new Arab monarchy, with Turkey losing its grip and hoping to be replaced by the Arab kingdom.

Of course, the war was not clear when the report was presented. Although the European battlefield was deadlocked, and in the middle and near east, the Allies' dardanelles offensive in early 1915 met with stiff resistance from the Turkish army, Britain defeated Turkey in Mesopotamia and Russia won in the Caucasus. There is still more optimism about the war in Britain, with some in the political arena even suggesting that a renewed offensive in dardanelles could change the battlefield and quickly achieve Britain's strategic intentions. It can be said that the DE bundsen report is the product of the relatively stable situation in the early stage of the first world war. But after observing the situation on the ground in November, Mr Kitchener concluded that the withdrawal from dardanelles had come sooner or later. On the 23rd all the British troops withdrew.

The abandonment of the dardanelles expedition further made the British government realize the European war situation and the overall situation, feel unable to dominate and control the situation in the middle and near east, and decide to adopt the strategy of breaking the deadlock. Militarily, the focus was on the eastern front against the central European states, the diplomatic neutral states, and negotiations with the Arab tribal princes and the French. It can be said that the setback of the dardanelles expedition is the last impetus for Britain to implement the dual-track diplomacy in the near east.

想要了解更多英国留学资讯或者需要英国代写，请关注51Due英国论文代写平台，51Due是一家专业的论文代写机构，专业辅导海外留学生的英文论文写作，主要业务有essay代写、paper代写、assignment代写。在这里，51Due致力于为留学生朋友提供高效优质的留学教育辅导服务，为广大留学生提升写作水平，帮助他们达成学业目标。如果您有essay代写需求，可以咨询我们的客服QQ：800020041。

51Due网站原创范文除特殊说明外一切图文著作权归51Due所有；未经51Due官方授权谢绝任何用途转载或刊发于媒体。如发生侵犯著作权现象，51Due保留一切法律追诉权。