The present state of Russian fascism (2)

(2)Idealism in fascism

Fascism aims at the spiritual control of the people and places the ruling class at the top of that spiritual control. The injustice of that rule lies in the absence of democracy. And the needs of democracy follow the need to expose the injustices of the economic privileges of the dictatorship. In addition, it is the free press that makes it possible to expose the unfairness. The goal of a free press is to report facts, not falsehoods of assumptions. What is simply required is a physical perception of the object, not an excuse for it. Fascism, on the other hand, conspires to conceal the physical aspect of the object itself through excuses. And in doing so, the fascists shield the factual press and stifle the free press. This lack of a free press makes democracy impossible. What awaits us here is the cognitive difficulty in which the class conflict makes object recognition impossible. Marx's awareness of the problem as a philosopher is also here, and his proposal for a communist revolution follows its guideline. The obstruction of object recognition in fascism is linked to its growth process. The following is a review of its growth process.

(2a) Fascism and democracy

Nationalist fascism arises from democratic populism. Even though they have not been suppressed, they are oppressed by repeated their own provocative violence, and they resist the oppression by considering it as political suppression. For them, criticism in general is a threat to their beliefs, and use violence to silence the criticism. The suppression of speech becomes more radical as the fascists get closer to power, and eventually they regard their critics as foreigners of other races or agents of foreign nations and imprison them in camps and execute them. This nationalist fascism seeks to reconstruct an ideal past that never existed. Of course, this unrealistic restorationism is no different in religious fundamentalism. The ideal past, like the national glory in nationalist fascism, is in fact an illusion created by the reverse glorification of the villainous past. Therefore, both of them aim at the revival of the traditional authoritarian patriarchal order. To put it simply, the goal is the domination of the weak by the strong. In each case, the background is a grudge against one's own decline and an impulse to dominate with no direction. Religious fundamentalism, on the other hand, like red fascism, does not arise from democratic populism, but solely from the demand for the overthrow of the existing authoritarian order. And in the background of all of this is the underdeveloped social state of democracy. However, if the goal of the revolutionary group is to overthrow the dictatorial order, then the social order after the overthrow should be a democratic order, which is the antithesis of dictatorship. At this time, if a revolutionary group allows criticism from outside of the group, it is absurd not to allow criticism from within its own group. Therefore, if a revolutionary group aims for a democratic order, it needs to be democratic in its own right. In this case, whether it is religious fundamentalism or red fascism, it must be democratic at the beginning. That said, suppressing criticism in an organization gives it quick action. On the other hand, the suppression of criticism deprives the organization of flexibility in its actions. This makes it difficult to examine problems inside and outside of the organization and to deal with them. Therefore, even in dictatorships, the ruling class needs intellectuals around them. Of course, this free communication is even more necessary in democratic organizations. Ideally, all members would be experts individually. But these democratic needs also lead to delays in decision-making. And that delay is fatal in the revolutionary group's quick response to the situation. However, the general movement policy does not necessarily require such a quick breakthrough in the situation. It is necessary to deal with the dictatorship's repression to the revolutionary groups. The need for organizational defense in revolutionary groups constrains democracy within revolutionary groups. It forces revolutionary groups to choose an organizational form that localizes the damage at the time of detection by restricting free communication among its members and dividing the chain of command. In this case, in order to defend the superior organization, the chain of command will also be top-down in the old military style. However, to put it simply, there is no room for organizational policy discussion in this organizational structure, and it is therefore undemocratic. It is a contradiction that a revolutionary group that aims for democracy becomes undemocratic. And this dilemma degenerates the revolutionary group into an undemocratic one. Behind this deterioration lies the unjust economic privileges of the ruling class within the revolutionary group. Incidentally, at least after the revolutionary group seizes power, the constraints of democracy that were necessary for the defense of the organization become unnecessary. Therefore, after a revolutionary group has seized power, to impose constraints on democracy expresses the falsity of the revolutionary group itself.

(2b) Fascism and goodness

The irrational poverty and discrimination brought about by the dictatorial order merge with the resentment of one's own decline and the impulse to dominate with no direction, giving birth to a new form of fascism. One purifies into patriotism that complements the existing order, and the other purifies into anti-establishment passions that destroy the existing order. But in any passion, the legitimate part does not proceed to fascism, but to the realization of democracy. What they both have in common is their own emptiness in response to their unfortunate circumstances, and their thirst to compensate for that emptiness. If that craving is limited to the simple realization of self-enrichment, then there is no need for any particular good. However, those who are in irrational poverty and discrimination cannot even live a normal life in the first place. At this time, people who have been abandoned from physical wealth, aim for spiritual wealth. What appears there is not physical value, but spiritual value, that is, goodness. Therefore, even in the midst of unreasonable poverty and discrimination, man does not surrender himself to vices, but on the contrary avoids vices. But the more a person tries to gain goodness at the cost of emptiness, the purity of that goodness drives him into self-denial. And that self-denial manifests itself as selfless submission to the good in the individual. Especially for individuals in unfortunate circumstances, the self that should be denied is already equal to nothing in the first place. Rather, the proletarian, who has nothing to lose, easily gains greater value through goodness. On the contrary, the proletarian, who has nothing to lose, despairs of his own life and even seeks a place to die. If the price of his death is good, he easily desires death. Of course, a typical example of this is suicide bombing in fundamentalism, as well as the self-sacrificing acts of nationalism and communism that fundamentalism modeled in the first place. In both cases, despair invites people to sacrifice themselves at the risk of their lives. However, whether the good obtained by risking one's life is genuine good, is another matter. If the action realizes genuine good, then the death may not be in vain. But if not, then its death is in vain, and in some cases exactly the opposite, it makes evil come true. What is troubling is when an individual who risks its life simply wants to die and uses an existing unidentified goodness as an excuse to die. In that case, the truth or falsity of the goodness does not matter to him. At this time, his exstence for the other becomes a saint in an organization that espouses its false goodness, regardless of the outcome, life or death. But whether he is a real saint remains a separate problem. What is needed here is no longer goodness, but truth. It is not fabricated by consciousness, but is constructed by physics. Its physics requires the immediacy and quantity of information. The amount of information is a spatial quantity on the one hand and a temporal quantity on the other, and at the same time it needs to be consistent with the chain of facts that spreads out in time and the course of time. Only such a whole system of information comes close to physical truth through the confirmation of the consistency between its individual information.

(2c) Fascism and Truth

The good that fascism believes in is in conflict with the physical truth. To put it simply, the good of fascism is a fabrication of consciousness, or simply a lie that is only assumed. That is not consistent with direct information and its quantity. And conversely, direct information and its quantity exposes that lies. Therefore, fascism is hostile to general information, and circulates the lies it believes in to the outside world under the guise of correct information. At this time, the leaders of the fascist organization silence information that is not convenient for them in the organization. However, the same information also comes from outside of the organization. Therefore, if fascists take control of the state, they violently suppress all information in the country that is inconvenient for fascist organizations. In addition, they shield information from outside of the country and treat domestic critics who sympathize with foreign news reports as agents of foreign intelligence agencies and make them traitors. On the other hand, a free press is free expression, and free expression includes false expression. Originally, physical truth often manifests itself in the exact opposite of its reality. Therefore, even direct information is often false on its own. For this reason, direct information needs to be consistent with the chain of facts and the course of time. This indicates a general possibility that the representation will be false. So, to put it simply, freedom of expression is even the freedom to say falsehoods. But the misrepresentation needs to be corrected. However, the negation is not done through physical violence, but through counter-regular expressions and discussions. The correction of false representations here also follows the chain of facts and consistency in the course of time. What it expects is the self-condemnation of false expressions by the self-convincing, and the natural death. Otherwise, the violent denial of false expression goes hand in hand with the denial of freedom of expression. However, the fascists take advantage of the need to correct this false expression and suppress all free expression that is not convenient for the fascists. That self-deception seeks its place in false sayings, such as that "The winner can make anything true.", or that "The lies you continue to believe will turn into the truth.". What it expresses is the royal road of idealism, which holds that truth is consciousness and that consciousness determines truth. However, even if you change the way you look at things, the physical truth does not change. It is Russia that invaded a sovereign state, Russia is the perpetrator and Ukraine is the victim. Physical truth does not allow lies that replace the reality of unhappiness with happiness that is only assumed. It is also because of this awareness that Russian fascists need to rid the truth of the war in Ukraine from within Russia's own country. Perhaps the right way to deal with modern warfare is to disseminate such a reality in the fascist state without hesitation. And the modern world has created the Internet as a powerful weapon to realize this strategy. However, even on the Internet, fascist information defense networks are still being built there. In addition, information that purports to be general views or academic views is actually full of diversity and conflicts in the first place. Moreover, under a dictatorship where poverty is rampant, not only is it difficult to translate into foreign languages, but the Internet itself is not fully equipped in the first place. And the fact that the war has not ended also expresses a fundamental lack of factual information in this world.

(2d) Truth and Conscience

In a country where it is impossible to criticize and point out to the upper echelons, such an act of disseminating imfomation can be fatal to the sender. There is no remedy for the problems of the upper echelons, and no one takes responsibility for the chain of command that ignores the field. Naturally, in such a state, corruption and depravity are also left uncriticized and rampant. And since that corruption accumulates at the top, even the central leaders at the top are eliminated in their conflicts of interest. This situation occurs not only at the national level, but also among professional revolutionaries within non-democratic revolutionary groups. However, corruption and depravity in revolutionary groups does not simply arise from the livelihood interests of the upper echelons of the organization. Such a revolutionary group that only pursues the livelihood interests of the upper echelons is no different from an illegal economic exploitation group, similar to a gangster or a Ponzi scheme. What members of revolutionary groups originally expect is good to counter evil. And the dictatorial system embodies the evil that is the opposite of this good. Therefore, the unique corruption and depravity of undemocratic revolutionary groups become more acute in the confrontation with the dictatorial system that is their slogan. At first glance, it is not corruption and depravity in institutions, but rather a deepening of self-sacrificing devotion in nationalism, communism or religion. In the begining, the corruption and depravity do not lead to the acquisition of physical private assets in the collective leadership. But in return, the collective leadership acquires spiritual assets. Its spiritual asset is a self-serving interpretation of nationalism, communism, or religion. However, it turns into the privatization of power within the organization through the thoroughness of that interpretation. In the end, the privatization of mental assets also turns into the privatization of physical living assets. Normally, the self-sacrificing devotion of the revolutionary group is good, and the leadership of the group embodies that goodness. However, if the group leadership is not criticized and pointed out, it is doubtful that the group leadership embodies goodness. And if the collective leadership is riddled with corruption and depravity, then its self-sacrificing devotion only realizes the good that the collective leadership advocates. And if the good advocated by the collective leadership is actually evil, then that self-sacrificing devotion also realizes evil rather than good. At this point, the revolutionary group, contrary to its radical slogans, turns into an economic exploitation group similar to gangsters and Ponzi schemes, or even more illegal. In this case, the terminal members who believe that good will be realized, practice evil. The embellishment of goodness carried out by the collective leadership here, exposes the terminal members to a divergence from reality. But exclusively the terminal members ignore the discrepancy with reality in accordance with the organizational policy set forth by the group leadership. At this time, his mind is supported by a lack of remorse for the repainting of evil with good. In there he has a false idealism that mistakes the repainting of phisics as a triumph of consciousness. But conscience stands on the side of truth, and only truth appears as the voice of conscience. Of course, the fascists would also think that their actions were in accordance with their conscience. But if this is the case, then the fascists cannot explain their own behavior which conceals the truth. The physical truths that are concealed at this time appear as the voice of conscience to the fascists. Therefore, fascism, which conceals the truth, stands on the opposite side of the voice of conscience, contrary to its own intentions. What constitutes the abyss separating the two sides of the river from falsehood and truth is also the difference between economic classes.

(2024/01/14)
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Original Japanese(1)⇒ロシアン・ファシズムの現在（１）

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