追補2023/04/20
Cherry Point FBI Suspects Were ATF Until Last Week
By Michael Baxter - April 19, 2023
チェリーポイントFBI容疑者は先週までATFだった
マイケル・バクスター著 - 2023年4月19日
米海兵隊チェリーポイント航空基地の爆弾庫の外で捕まった2人のFBI捜査官は、警戒していた航空機整備士が、安全な軍事施設内の兵器庫に忍び込む影の二人を発見するわずか数日前に、ATFからFBIに移籍していたと、スミス将軍の事務所の関係者がリアルローニュースに語っています。
昨日報告したように、逮捕された容疑者の一人は、チェリーポイント憲兵隊に対し、自分はFBI捜査官で、基地に潜入して爆弾倉庫に遠隔起爆装置を仕掛けることを命令されていたと語った。彼は、「上司」、おそらくクリストファー・レイ長官かその直属の部下が潜入を許可したと述べた。しかし、彼はレイを名指ししていない。私たちの情報源はそのように推測したが、私たちは許しがたいことにそれを事実と勘違いしてしまった。
M.P. は、統合指紋識別システムによる指紋照合で容疑者の身元を確認しました。確かに彼らはFBIの特別捜査官で、それぞれ10年以上連邦政府で勤務していた。しかし、経歴を調べると、このおしゃべりな容疑者が憲兵隊に隠していた、ある情報が判明した。
省庁間の異動はよくあることだ。例えば、FBIとDEAは歴史的に内国歳入庁の犯罪捜査課のメンバーを採用しており、この事件とは無関係のあるFBI内部告発者がリアル・ロー・ニュースに語ったように、「人事異動」は日常茶飯事である。それにもかかわらず、両捜査官がFBIアトランタ支局に配置転換される確率は限りなく低く、彼らの邪悪な計画を考慮すると、単なる偶然の一致とは言えない。
ATFが、米軍施設に対する国内テロ行為のためにFBIに捜査官を派遣する理由は不明である。両機関はそれぞれ異なる役割を担っているが、過去にはアイダホ州ルビーリッジ（ランディ・ウィーバー）やテキサス州ウェイコ（ブランチ・デービディアン）のように、市民に対して犯罪的な謀議を行ったことがある。
この情報筋によれば、おしゃべりな容疑者も、憲兵隊が最近の転職について質問すると、口をつぐんでしまったという。
「憲兵隊がATFの話を持ち出すと、彼は突然、クリスマスの朝のネズミのように静かになった。それまでは大声でしゃべっていたのに。ATFのデッテルバッハ長官がブラックハットで、汚いやつであることは知っているが、先日まで、彼は我々のレーダーには映っていなかった。レイと仲良しなところを見ると、ある程度は推測できる」と情報筋は言う。
FBIもATFも、いかなる理由であれ、米軍基地を管轄する権限を持っていないと、彼は付け加えた。
2人の捜査官の運命について尋ねると、「正直なところ、今、彼らは捕虜として拘束されており、JAGが軍事裁判にかけるべきか、現行犯で捕まったので即刻処刑すべきかを決定している」と答えた。
(訪問回数24,268回、本日訪問回数24,268回) 無料版のDeepL翻訳（www.DeepL.com/Translator）で翻訳しました。
The two federal agents caught outside a bomb depot at USMC Cherry Point Air Station had transferred to the FBI from the ATF only days before an alert aircraft mechanic spotted the shadowy duo sneaking around an ordnance depot on a secure military installation, a source in General Smith’s office told Real Raw News.
As reported yesterday, one suspect, once apprehended, told Cherry Point Military Police he was an FBI agent whose orders included infiltrating the base and planting a remote detonator in a bomb storage building. He said that “his superiors,” presumably Director Christopher Wray or his immediate underlings, had authorized the incursion. He did not, however, namedrop Wray—our source made that assumption, which we inexcusably mistook as fact.
The M.P.s confirmed the suspects’ identities through fingerprint matching using the Integrated Automated Fingerprint Identification System. Indeed they were FBI Special Agents, each with over 10 years of federal service. However, a background check revealed a morsel of information that the talkative suspect hid from military police: he and his colleague were transferred to the FBI on April 10, less than a week ahead of the would-be attack.
Interagency transfers are common. The FBI and DEA, for example, have historically recruited members of the IRS’s Criminal Investigation Division, and “personnel shuffling,” as one FBI whistleblower unrelated to this incident told Real Raw News, is routine business. Nonetheless, the odds of both agents getting reassigned to the FBI’s Atlanta office are infinitesimally small and, factoring in their nefarious plans, exclude mere coincidence.
It’s unclear why the ATF would send agents to the FBI to commit an act of domestic terror against a U.S. military installation. Although the agencies have disparate roles, they have in the past criminally conspired against the citizenry, namely in Ruby Ridge, Idaho (Randy Weaver,) and Waco, Texas (Branch Davidians.)
Even the chatty suspect, our source said, clammed up when M.P.s inquired about his recent job change.
“When military police brought up the ATF, the guy suddenly got as quiet as the proverbial mouse on Christmas morning. He was talking up a storm until that. We know ATF Director Dettelbach is a Black Hat, and a foul one, but he wasn’t really on our radar until the other day. Given his chummy friendship with Wray, well, we can make some assumptions,” our source said.
Neither the FBI nor the ATF, he added, has jurisdictional authority on U.S. military bases, for any reason.
When asked about the fate of the two agents, our source said, “Honestly, right now they’re held as prisoners of war, while JAG decides if they should be held for a military tribunal or summarily executed since they were caught in the act.”
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Marines Foil Fed Plot to Explode U.S. Military Base
By Michael Baxter - April 18, 2023
海兵隊、米軍基地爆破のFBIの策動を阻止
マイケル・バクスター著 - 2023年4月18日
日、ノースカロライナ州のUSMCエアステーション・チェリーポイントの米国海兵隊は、第2海兵航空団のAV-8BハリアーとF-35ライトニングIIジェット機用の爆弾を保管する兵器棟の近くで、気づかれずに基地内に侵入していたFBI捜査官2人を逮捕した、とエリック・M・スミス将軍の事務所の関係者がリアルローニュースに語った。
世界でも屈指の全天候型ジェット機基地とされるチェリーポイントは、ノースカロライナ州ヘーブロックにある29,000エーカーの土地にある。チェリーポイントの中心は、巨大な4ポイントの滑走路システムで、そこで飛行できるすべての飛行士に複数のアプローチと出発の利点を提供するよう設計されている。この飛行場の滑走路は非常に長く、NASAがスペースシャトル計画を維持していた時代には、代替の緊急着陸地点として使用されたほどです。同飛行場には、約53,000人の現役兵、扶養家族、民間契約社員がいます。
その規模、人口、交通量の多さにもかかわらず、チェリーポイントは閉鎖的な基地であり、正面と背面のゲートに入るには有効な軍用IDが必要であることを意味する。クリスマスにグアンタナモ湾を襲撃した後、スミス将軍は国内の海兵隊施設の警備を強化し、腐敗したFBIを監視し、犯罪者バイデン政権に忠実な軍司令官の入場を拒否するよう指導者に指示した。
日曜日の午後10時45分、航空機の整備士が、安全な兵器庫の外で2人の影のある人物を発見した。彼は警備員を呼び、「サイドアームを持った戦術的な装備の2人組」が倉庫の搬入口付近をうろついていると言った。彼らは許可された人員ではないようでした。
「武器のロッカーや保管庫には、すべてキーパッドが設置されています。誰でも入ってこれるわけではありません。また、至る所にカメラが設置されているが、侵入者の姿は確認されていない。死角があるのか、それとも不注意な海兵隊員が監視カメラを見ていなかったのか。とにかく、保守員が警備員に通報して、調査してもらったんです」と情報筋は言う。
USMCの憲兵隊はすぐに不法侵入者を見つけ、ピストルを地面に置くように命じた。彼らはそれに応じ、憲兵隊は彼らに手錠をかけ、身体検査をした。しかし、彼らはベルトポーチに駅の地図、デジタルカメラ、ワイヤーカッター、車庫の遠隔開閉装置と同じ大きさの電子機器などを入れていた。
この情報筋によると、警察官は囚人たちを分離し、尋問のために留置場に連れて行ったそうです。
"駐屯地司令官のブレンダンC.ベルクス大佐とスミス将軍は、侵入を知らされた。彼らは、自白を得るために必要な圧力をかけるよう、憲兵隊に指示しました。指紋を取った時点で彼らがFBIであることは分かっていたが、話を聞きたかったのだ」と情報筋は語っている。
自分が逮捕され、戦犯として裁かれることを告げられたある連邦捜査官は、憲兵隊員に罪状を詳しく説明するように求めた。
「そんなことは知る必要はない。あなたが知る必要があるのは、あなたが有罪となり、処刑されることだけです」と、憲兵は答えた。しかし、その口調と身のこなしは、FBIを怯えさせたに違いない。彼は自分がFBIであることを認め、上官の命令で飛行場に潜入して兵器庫にアクセスし、GBU12とGBU16のレーザー誘導爆弾をすべて遠隔で爆発させる「受信機」を設置し、駅に降りた後に爆発させたことを認めた。この電子機器には2つの目的があったと彼は認めている。しかし、その装置は誤作動を起こし、ドアを開けることができなかった。
"レイが米軍基地でテロ行為を行おうとした理由を、彼は言うことができなかったし、言おうともしなかった。彼はただ、それが彼の命令だと言った。彼はまた、フェンスの弱点を突いて基地に入ったと言った」と、この情報筋は語った。
2人目のFBIは、今のところ話をすることを拒否していると、彼は付け加えた。
彼らの運命について尋ねると、彼は「まあ、M.P.の言う通り、彼らは戦争犯罪人として拘束されるだろう」と答えた。
(訪問回数37,750回、今日の訪問回数37,750回)
On Sunday, United States Marines at USMC Air Station Cherry Point, North Carolina, apprehended two FBI agents who had entered the base undetected and were skulking near an ordnance building that held bombs for the 2nd Marine Aircraft Wing’s AV-8B Harrier and F-35 Lightning II jets, a source in General Eric M. Smith’s office told Real Raw News.
Cherry Point, regarded as one of the best all-weather jet bases in the world, sits on 29,000 acres of land in Havelock, North Carolina. The heart of Cherry Point is its massive four-point runway system, designed to provide multiple approach and departure advantages to all aviators who can fly there. The air station’s runways are so long that they served as an alternate emergency landing site for NASA during the years that the agency maintained a space shuttle program. The station has approximately 53,000 active duty, dependents, and civilian contractors.
Despite its size, population, and abundance of traffic, Cherry Point is a closed base, meaning a valid military I.D. is needed to enter its front and rear gates. After the Christmas Day assault on Guantanamo Bay, Gen. Smith tightened security on all domestic Marine Corps installations, instructing leadership to watch for corrupt feds and deny entry to military commanders loyal to the criminal Biden regime.
At 10:45 p.m. Sunday, an aircraft mechanic spotted two shadowy figures outside a secure ordnance depot. He called security, saying “a couple of guys in tactical gear with sidearms” were loitering around the depot’s loading doors. They did not appear to be authorized personnel.
“All weapon lockers and storage have a keypad entry. It’s not like anyone can just walk in. There are also cameras everywhere, but the intruders weren’t seen. Maybe they knew blind spots, or maybe an inattentive Marine wasn’t watching the security feed. Anyway, the maintenance worker alerted security, and they investigated,” our source said.
USMC Military Police quickly located the trespassers and ordered them to put their pistols on the ground. They complied, and the M.P.s cuffed and searched them. The prowlers refused to identify themselves and carried no wallets, no identification; they were, however, wearing belt pouches with maps of the station, digital cameras, wire cutters, and an electronic gadget the size of a remote garage door opener.
Our source said the M.P.s separated the prisoners and brought them to holding cells for interrogation.
“Garrison commander Colonel Brendan C. Berks and Gen. Smith were notified of the intrusion. They told the M.P.s to apply the necessary pressure to get a confession. We knew they were FBI as soon as we fingerprinted them but wanted to hear what they had to say,” our source said.
When told he was under arrest and would be tried as a war criminal, one fed asked the M.P. to elaborate on the charges.
“That’s not necessary for you to know. All you need to know is you’ll be found guilty and executed,” the M.P. replied. It’s unclear if he was serious—since he had no authority to make such a decision—but his tone and body language must have scared the fed shitless, for he admitted he was FBI and that his superiors had ordered him to infiltrate the air station, access the ordnance depot, and plant a “receiver” that would have remotely detonated all the GBU-12 and GBU-16 laser-guided bombs after he had egressed the station. The electronic gadget, he admitted, had a dual purpose: it ought to have opened the door to the depot and served as a trigger to blow the building and a chunk of the base to smithereens. The device, however, malfunctioned and wouldn’t open the door.
“He couldn’t or wouldn’t say why Wray wanted to commit an act of terror on a U.S. military base. He just said those were his orders. He also said he got on base by exploiting a weakness in the fence,” our source said.
The second fed, he added, has thus far refused to talk.
When asked about their fate, he said, “Well, the M.P. was right about one thing: they will be held as war criminals.”
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It was just another federal court decision dealing a further blow to the fate of one of the few remaining souls at the tormented prison at Guantánamo Bay, a chunk of soil on the southeast coast of Cuba that was a spoil turned over to the United States after its victory in the Spanish-American War. The well-documented horrors that went on in the military prison set up there after the 9/11 attacks became a recruiting tool for disaffected young Arabs eager to demonstrate their hatred of America.
The US Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit ruled in early April that a federal government prisoner, a businessman from Yemen named Abdulsalam Ali Abdulrahman al-Hela, could not be kept locked up if he was no longer deemed to be a threat. But the Court did not rule, as his attorneys wanted, that al-Hela, who is not a US citizen and was captured in a foreign country, had a constitutional right to due process. Al-Hela was initially captured twenty-one years ago in Egypt and, after two years in Central Intelligence Agency black-site prisons, was shipped to Gitmo for further enhanced interrogation—aka torture.
An internal review board eventually cleared him for release to a nation that employs what the board called “appropriate security measures.” But war-torn Yemen, al-Hela’s home, was not considered safe, and he remained in jail. Hence the new trial, whose same old finding once again had to evoke dismay for sixteen other prisoners who have been approved for release but not to a nation considered safe.
In essence the appellate court adopted the government’s contention that the earlier proceedings against al-Hela and the use of classified intelligence to justify his detention did not violate his acknowledged constitutional right to due process. In so doing, the court was parroting the government’s two main arguments that had been used successfully in scores of prior detainee trials. The first was that federal courts should find that due process does not apply to Guantánamo detainees. The second was that even if you, as the judge, do conclude that due process applies in general to the cases brought by detainees, it doesn’t matter because the detainee got due process anyway.
All of this has been asserted again and again in federal courts with no sense of irony. al-Hela was told by the judge in the case in hand: “We assume without deciding that the Due Process Clause applies.” Al-Hela’s attorneys responded in a subsequent filing that their client would “continue to serve what amounts to a life sentence, as cruel in its own way as the horrific physical torture that he endured in the CIA’s ‘dark prisons.’”
I’m far from a lawyer, and I could not grasp the meaning of a court keeping a cleared-for-release detainee of more than two decades in prison indefinitely because of an assumption that due process applies but did not prevail there because he did get due process. One senior member of the defendants’ bar at Gitmo, who asked not to be named, assured me that the al-Hela case would never be accepted by the Supreme Court as now constructed. “What the appellate court was really saying is, ‘Hey, we’re trying really hard to give the guy a meaningful process. We’re doing all we can. But aw, fuck it—the guy who tried the case [in the lower federal district court] tried really hard and that’s enough. He was doing all he could.’ The larger question regarding constitutionally is that the courts are not in a political position to say prisoners at Guantánamo are entitled to due process. It’s not about law.”
Another lawyer with Supreme Court experience asserted that the issue at stake in the al-Hela case “has nothing to do with the law. There’s no objective principles here. It’s the same with abortion, the ‘free press,’ ‘reasonable search and seizure’ and everything else in the Constitution. It’s made up. It’s fugazi. Courts can do anything they want. A court can say there is a right to abortion because there’s some stray clause [in the Constitution] that mentions ‘liberty’ and so that liberty must cover the right to abortion. Another court the next day can say abortion is unconstitutional because the same clause mentions ‘life.’ When you’re a Supreme Court justice you can do anything. It’s 100 percent political. Not the slightest bit of jurisprudence.
“Everyone knows that this Guantánamo business is nuts,” he said. “But not a single person [on a federal court or in the White House] has the balls to take responsibility for being the guy who ended it.”
I wrote about Guantánamo in 2004 in magazine articles about the abuse of inmates at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, one year after President George W. Bush and Vice President Richard Cheney responded to 9/11 by attacking the regime of Saddam Hussein, a despotic leader who happened to harbor the same fear of radical Islamists as did those running the White House. The abuse at Abu Ghraib was eerily similar to that at Guantánamo, in terms of insanely violent interrogation tactics that were not designed to produce effective results. There was a mysterious presence there that confounded Antonio Taguba, the Army major general who was assigned to investigate prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib in the wake of reporting by CBS and later by me in a series of articles for the New Yorker. I did not meet and befriend Tony Taguba for more than a year after my reporting that depicted the stacking of naked prisoners in a pyramid with young female Army prison guards simulating masturbation and taking photos. I also reported on a few savage murders of prisoners that were conducted by what were clearly American Special Operations officers, many wearing Army uniforms with no name tags. I later learned from Taguba that he could get no authority during his mandated investigation of the prison abuses to seek out and question any American intelligence officials. It was a mystery left unsolved.
