文明のターンテーブルThe Turntable of Civilization

日本の時間、世界の時間。
The time of Japan, the time of the world

It was one of the top 10 popular articles from The Turntable of Civilization, August 20, 2024.

2024年08月20日 23時58分29秒 | 全般

文明のターンテーブルThe Turntable of Civilizationの人気記事

  1. This article revealed that China is a country of "abysmal evil" and "plausible lies.
  2. 本稿では、中国からの援助金に懐柔されて中国に従属している国々の国民に、もう一つの事実を知らしめる事とする。
  3. or he's in the same boat as Yokota Kisaburo, who pandered to GHQ. 
  4. I would say this is the return of geniuses like Heifetz and Paganini ... David Geringas
  5. Ce chapitre a été victime d'un délit d'interférence de recherche.
  6. It was one of the top 10 popular articles from The Turntable of Civilization, August 19, 2024.
  7. Riposta! Ho imparato non solo la sua grandezza come persona, ma anche la profondità
  8. 再発信!豪州は、中国の亡命外交官や諜報員の情報によって2004年8月に当時の胡錦濤総書記が開いた秘密会議で「米豪分断と豪州属国化計画」の存在を知った。
  9. Repost! It is a popular page yesterday, 2024/8/19.
  10. ou está no mesmo barco que Yokota Kisaburo, que favoreceu o GHQ.

 


2024/8/18 in Fukuyama

 


Reread. Top 10 real-time searches 2022/8/15, 15:23

2024年08月20日 23時45分13秒 | 全般

1

昭和30 (1955)年…「よく来たね」「日本のおかげだよ」と引っ張りだことなって歓迎された史実もほとんど知られていない。

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ロシアは民主主義国ではないので…中国も権威主義国家であるため、台湾の武力統一に乗り出す恐れがある

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モリカケのとき安倍夫妻を「犯罪者」呼ばわりしてもいた。それと、記事にある「天皇じゃあるまいし」のコメントはただの無知。大喪の礼と国葬儀は全く別物だよ

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早稲田大学…50周年記念シンポジウム…日本の国益より中国の国益を優先する人たちの集まり。

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文明のターンテーブルThe Turntable of Civilizationの人気記事 2022/8/15

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マスコミは安倍さんを…貶め続ける。国葬も反対と煽る。私はマスコミが安倍さんを実質的に殺したと思っている。

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It is a popular page yesterday 2022/8/15

8

優秀な小林鷹之大臣の留任をお願いするとともに、21年前の掲載誌についても報告を致しました。

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この1点だけでも国葬に値する。なのに何もしなかった野党が国葬反対を口にする。ゴミとクズが野党で喰えている国

10

TBSが民主主義国家の敵である中国の傀儡放送局である証左だろう。

 


Repost!There can be no friendship between Japan and Korea except based on the truth.

2024年08月20日 23時42分04秒 | 全般

There can be no friendship between Japan and Korea except based on the truth.
August 25, 2021
The following is from an article by Mr. Tsutomu Nishioka in the Sound Argument section of today's Sankei Shimbun titled "The main culprit behind the deterioration of Japan-Korea relations."
As mentioned, the Suga administration should give him the National Medal of Honor for his achievements.
Giving it to an athlete who has done a great job would be nice.
It is the role of every intelligent person, not only artists, orators, and politicians, to reveal the hidden truth.
If Prime Minister Suga decides to implement my suggestion, his approval rating may go up, but it will not go down.
On the contrary, this wise decision is comparable to the death sentence handed down by the Fukuoka District Court yesterday to the gang leader.
It reveals to the world the criminal acts that the Asahi Shimbun has continued to inflict on the Japanese nation and its people.
It is because it will reveal to the world that the Asahi Shimbun and its employees are, in fact, traitors who are no better than the Yakuza.
The rest of this article will be posted later on the official website of the Turntable of Civilization in the paid articles section.
 
It has been 30 years since the Asahi Shimbun created an opportunity to worsen the relationship between Japan and South Korea by reporting falsely on the comfort women issue.
A lie that spread to the international community 
In 1991, Asahi launched a major company-wide campaign on the comfort women issue.
In the same year, Asahi published 150 articles on comfort women.
As a result, the lie that "between 80,000 and 200,000 Korean women were forcibly brought to Japan under the name of the Volunteer Army and made into comfort women" suddenly spread throughout Japan, South Korea, and the rest of the international community. 
The two pillars that supported the newspaper's campaign were the testimony of Yoshida Seiji as a perpetrator and Kim Hak-sun as a victim.
Asahi first reported both in the Japanese and Korean media. 
Asahi first reported on Yoshida's testimony in 1982.
After that, it didn't cover it much, but in 1991, it reported it twice again in a big way.
Only in 2014 did Asahi finally admit that this testimony was false.
Asahi first reported Kim Hak-sun's testimony on August 11, 1991.
It was also the first among the Japanese and Korean media.
The article (Osaka edition) began as follows. 
During the Second Sino-Japanese War and World War II, one of the Korean comfort women who took to the battlefield under the name of "women's volunteer corps" and was forced to engage in prostitution with Japanese soldiers was found to be still alive in Seoul. On April 10, the council released a tape recording of the woman's story to a reporter from the Asahi Shimbun." 
However, Ms. Kim has never mentioned that she was sent to the battlefield under the name of "Women's Volunteer Corps," as this article describes. 
In a complaint in a trial seeking compensation from the Japanese government for the comfort women issue, she quit ordinary school because of her low-income family, became the adopted daughter of a man named Kim Yi-yuan, and attended Kisaeng school for three years from the age of 14, and was 17 years old. At times, she wrote that her adoptive father took her to a Japanese military comfort station in China.
Another testimony stated that her mother received 40 yen from her adoptive father when she became an adopted daughter and began training in Kisaeng.
We cannot allow the Asahi Shimbun to lie. 
I was shocked when I read this complaint and others, and I have been criticizing Asahi's coverage of comfort women, including this article, since 1992.
Asahi developed a campaign to forcefully bring in comfort women by adding in a self-serving manner that Kim Hak-sun had been taken to the battlefield under the name of the Women's Volunteer Corps, which she had never mentioned.
I wrote that this was a fabrication.
The reporter who wrote the article sued me in civil court, claiming that my criticism was defamatory. Still, in March this year, the Supreme Court ruled that the criticism of fabrication was genuine, and I won the case ultimately. 
Ms. Kim Hak-sun was not a victim of forced labor by the Japanese military but a victim of her parent's sold due to poverty.
The same was true for the former Korean comfort women who came forward afterward.
It is true that the public prostitution system, in which parents receive advance payments, and their daughters are forced to repay them by prostituting themselves, is a severe violation of women's human rights from the perspective of conventional values. 
The Japanese military set up comfort stations in the war zones and allowed Japanese, Koreans, and other private companies to operate them to carry out the war effort.
Therefore, I am not opposed to the Japanese government showing apology and sympathy to the women who worked in the comfort stations based on the current values.
I feel the same way.
However, Asahi's campaign that the Korean women were forcibly taken away is a lie. I cannot admit that it is a lie. 
"Comfort Women Memorial Day" 
However, in 2018, the South Korean government officially designated August 14, the day of Kim Hak-sun's first press conference, as the nation's "Comfort Women Memorial Day.
As this year is the 30th anniversary, there were many events and media coverage in South Korea.
In a video message sent to the Memorial Day event, President Moon Jae-in said, "Thirty years have passed since the late Kim Hak-sun publicly testified to the fact that she was forced to work as a comfort woman for the Japanese army, and 30 years ago, the truth of this sentence came out to the world."
He still says Kim Hak-sun was the victim of forced entrainment.
Unfortunately, Kim Hak-sun was a victim of poverty rather than a victim of forced entrainment in South Korea, which is barely mentioned except by a few online media outlets.
The only thing that has been repeated is the argument that the Japanese government and many Japanese people have not made a sincere apology and remorse while committing the crime of forced conscription of comfort women, which is comparable to the Holocaust.
The former Asahi reporter who wrote the fabricated article has been widely featured as a "conscientious Japanese" on Korean TV and in newspapers. 
There can be no friendship between Japan and Korea except based on the truth.
The leading cause of the deterioration of Japan-Korea relations lies in the lies told by the "Anti-Japanese Japanese," who are praised as "conscientious Japanese" in Korea.
At the end of the month, I will publish a new book, "40 Years of the Japan-Korea 'History Perception Problem,'" in which I will discuss their responsibility in detail.
Let's extensively discuss how to improve Japan-Korea relations in Japan and Korea. 

 


2024/8/18 in Fukuyama


Repost!This article revealed that China is a country of "abysmal evil" and "plausible lies.

2024年08月20日 23時17分41秒 | 全般

This chapter was the victim of a search interference crime.
An xml code was pasted into the URL of the chapter I posted on goo, and the search was directed to a download page.
Doesn't Google have any way to prevent this?
This criminal continues to commit crimes in the same way.

Sitemap
https://blog.goo.ne.jp/entry_sitemap.xml
Reference page
https://blog.goo.ne.jp/sunsetrubdown21_2010/e/90b45c4a822d9cebb182491067193c1b/?img=4799898f8e2a6b4e380708c170f2c0c0

The following is an article that appeared on the front page of the Nikkei Shimbun on 8/17.
This article revealed that China is a country of "abysmal evil" and "plausible lies.
Even readers of the Nikkei who are not readers of this column should have been able to recognize this fact with all their hearts.
This column will make the people of the UN, which is controlled by China, and the people of the countries that have been lured by Chinese aid money to follow China aware of this.
In this article, we would like to inform the citizens of the countries that have been subservient to China because of Chinese aid money.
Since the end of World War II, China has been accusing Japan of various fabricated stories, each time receiving vast amounts of aid money from Japan.
As I recall, until last year, China received vast aid from Japan.
You must know that the money you think is aid from China is Japanese money, i.e., tax money paid by Japanese citizens through hard work.
 
Chinese Fishing Boat Makes Big Fist of Sanriku
The Nihon Keizai Shimbun has learned that Chinese fishing boats, which continue to be subject to a total embargo on Japanese marine products, are actively operating off the coast of Sanriku and other areas known as one of the world's three significant fishing grounds.
China has remained strongly opposed to the release of treated water from TEPCO's Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant, which began in August 2023 (see page 3, Today's Words).
There is a discrepancy between the Chinese government's view and the movements of Chinese fishing vessels.
 
Discrepancies with the Embargo
Chinese fishing vessels are now piling up off the Sanriku coast in greater numbers than at any time in the past several years.
A male fisherman who continues to fish off the coast of Sanriku said, "There are both warm and cold currents in the area.
This area is one of the best fishing grounds in the world, as it is located at the tidal point where the warm and cold currents meet.
Since the 2010s, Chinese fishing vessels have been pouring into the area in large numbers to fish. 
However, in response to the discharge of treated water that began in August of last year, the Chinese government unilaterally and repeatedly made claims not based on scientific evidence and decided to impose a total ban on Japanese marine products.
Chinese fishing vessels were expected to drastically reduce their operations in the area, which is also close to Fukushima. 
To clarify the actual situation, the Nikkei examined the movements of Chinese fishing vessels off the coast of Sanriku based on data from the Global Fishing Watch (GFW), which can confirm vessel movements based on signals transmitted by the Automatic Identification System (AIS) onboard fishing vessels.
GFW is a service launched by a US private non-profit organization (NPO) with the cooperation of the US Google to promote transparency in global fishing activities. 
The fishing season off the coast of Sanriku usually starts around April, when the winter doldrums have subsided.
According to GFW, Chinese fishing vessels were also seen moving in late March of this year.
GFW confirmed that many fishing vessels had departed from several fishing ports, including Fuzhou Port in Fujian Province, China, bound for Japan.
They then passed through Japan's Tsugaru Strait one after another and began operations off the coast of Sanriku. 
In addition, to understand the status of Chinese fishing vessels' operations in the gyration area, we compiled the operation hours from GFW data and compared them with the past. 
The area for comparison was set to be north of 36 degrees north latitude and west of 148 degrees east longitude in the waters off Sanriku. 
These waters are surrounded by Japan's exclusive economic zone (EEZ), where a large number of Chinese fishing vessels operate every year.
It is a good fishing ground where Japanese fishing vessels also operate actively. 
According to the survey results, the operation hours of Chinese fishing vessels off Sanriku dropped temporarily due to the Corona disaster but recovered significantly in 2022.
Even after the release of treated water, the momentum did not wane, and it was found that they were still actively operating in 2024.
In April, the fishery peaked for the year, with operations reaching approximately 5,000 hours.
On the busiest days, about 50 vessels were in operation. 
The Nikkei asked the Chinese side for its views on the series of interviews.
On April 19, the Chinese Foreign Ministry responded, "The emergency measures for Japanese marine products are legal and reasonable to protect our citizens against releasing contaminated water from the nuclear power plant into the ocean." 
(Shota Fujii, Kento Awashima, Yuri Morita)
 
2024/8/18 in Fukuyama

再発信!「日本のクオリティ・ペーパー」が嘘をつくはずはない―そう信じて、海外のメディアは朝日新聞の報道を

2024年08月20日 21時41分49秒 | 全般
「日本のクオリティ・ペーパー」が嘘をつくはずはない―そう信じて、海外のメディアは朝日新聞の報道をそのまま引用してきた
2019年07月13日
以下は前章の続きである。
見出し以外の文中強調は私。
真実を伝えない新聞 
「日本のクオリティ・ペーパー」が嘘をつくはずはない―そう信じて、海外のメディアは朝日新聞の報道をそのまま引用してきたのでしょう。 
かつて私も、「20万人」という数字こそ疑っていましたが、いわゆる
「従軍慰安婦」の存在を、漠然と歴史の真実だと思っていました。
それだけに、朝日新聞が誤報を認めたときは、裏切られた気持ちと恥ずかしさがこみ上げてきた。
それからは自戒を込めて、これ以上日本の名誉が傷つけられることがないように、汗を流してきたつもりです。
ジャーナリストのマイケル・ヨン氏が「20万人説」を完全否定した記事を英語で書いてくれたおかげもあり、今では『ワシントン・ポスト』や『ニユーヨーク・タイムズ』が「20万人の性奴隷」と伝えることはなくなりました。 
ちなみに、この表現を最後までやめなかったのは「ジャパン・タイムズ」でした。
経営母体が変わり反日色は薄まったものの、それ以前は自虐史観を教え込む記事が1日に3本はあった。
だから私は『アンチ・ジャパン・タイムズ』と呼んでいたんです(笑)。 ただ残念ながら、いまだに世界中の多くのメディアが「慰安婦=性奴隷」と誤解したままです。
ですから英語や韓国語で記事を訂正し、「誤解されるような表現はやめよう」と海外メディアへ呼びかけることが、朝日新聞ができるせめてもの償いではないでしょうか。 
シングルマザーは素晴らしい、ゲイカップルの結婚を認めるべき、宗教はあまり意味がない……リベラルな考えを押しつける『ニューヨーク・タイムズ』や『ワシントン・ポスト』を、私はあまり好きではありません。 
でも、彼らが朝日新聞と決定的に違うのは、少なくとも意図的な嘘は書かないということです。
そして誤報はすぐに訂正されます。
彼らがトランプ大統領を嫌いなのはご承知の通りですが、あくまで事実に基づく批判です。
嘘も平気なCNNとは違います。
この稿続く。


2024/8/18 in Fukuyama


Repost! It is a popular page yesterday, 2022/8/16.

2024年08月20日 21時37分38秒 | 全般
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2022 in Kyoto
 

Repost!but Mr. Xi's invitation clearly goes against the idea of anti-doping.

2024年08月20日 21時30分35秒 | 全般
but Mr. Xi's invitation clearly goes against the idea of anti-doping.
2022/2/9
The following is from an editorial in today's Sankei Shimbun titled "The blatant politicization of the Beijing Winter Olympics is flagrant."
This editorial also proves that the Sankei Shimbun is today's most decent newspaper.
It is a must-read for the Japanese and people worldwide, especially those from the UN and the IOC.
The emphasis in the text is mine.
The political exploitation of the Beijing Winter Olympics is flagrant.
At the opening ceremony, the torch relay's final runners were Jiniger Ilamzhan, a female athlete from the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, and a male Han Chinese athlete.
It may have been an attempt to create ethnic harmony in response to the diplomatic boycott of the Olympics by the U.S., Britain, Australia, and other countries in protest against the suppression of human rights in the region. Still, it came across as provocative and hypocritical.
The next day, the state-run Xinhua news agency reported on her impressions of the opening ceremony, saying, "It will be deeply etched in my mind for the rest of my life."
Of course, there was no mention of the human rights issue.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian said, "The view that there is genocide in Xinjiang is the lie of the century," regarding the selection of people for the torch relay.
President Xi Jinping has engaged in a series of Olympic diplomacy with the leaders of authoritarian nations, including Russian President Vladimir Putin, who attended the opening ceremony. Still, Russia is under sanctions for state-sponsored doping violations, and Mr. Putin has been banned from attending the Olympics.
It is believed that an exception to the rule applies, "except when invited by the host country's leader," but Mr. Xi's invitation clearly goes against the idea of anti-doping.
However, no evidence exists that International Olympic Committee (IOC) President Bach asked Xi about this.
Mr. Bach met in the Olympic bubble with Peng Shuang, a female tennis player who has accused the former Chinese vice premier of forcing her to have sexual relations with him and stressed that she was safe.
She couldn't testify freely under the authorities' control, and Mr. Bach was helping China's propaganda efforts.
UN Secretary-General António Guterres met with Mr. Xi and expressed hope that the visit to Xinjiang by UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Bachelet would be "credible." Still, the Chinese Foreign Ministry stressed the purpose of promoting exchanges and cooperation between the two sides.
World Health Organization (WHO) Secretary-General Tedros met with Prime Minister Li Keqiang, who said in a statement from the Chinese side that "WHO opposes the politicization of origin investigations."
Only China's political promotion is steadily progressing in the turmoil of "disqualification" due to ski jumps and short-track speed skating.
As was feared before the opening of the Olympic Games, the Beijing Winter Olympics appear to be a strange competition.


2024/8/18 in Fukuyama

we need to read this book to know about Japan from the postwar period to today.

2024年08月20日 21時02分37秒 | 全般
In addition, the U.S. Army had so many officer deaths in the war that they did not even have time to remember the names of the officers who had arrived. 
July 08, 2019

The following book by Michio Ezaki is a historical masterpiece.
It is no exaggeration to say that we need to read this book to know about Japan from the postwar period to today.
The basis of the Chinese Communist military's intelligence operations against Japan was the dichotomy (also adopted by the U.S.)...the distinction between the government and the people, with the people being right and the government being wrong....
This morning, I asked my friend, one of Japan's best readers, "Does the attitude of media such as Asahi and NHK mean that this brainwashing is continuing?"
It replied, "No, it means that they are already specialized in it."

The following is from p. 216, but please subscribe to the book at your local bookstore. 
You may not fully understand the meaning of this chapter unless we introduce it from the previous chapter.
This chapter is a must-read for all Japanese citizens, especially Okinawans.
The Struggle on Iwo Jima and Okinawa Pushed Back the "Policy of Unconditional Surrender 
In response to the U.S. policy of unconditional surrender, the Japanese side was determined to fight a war of all-out resistance and to work in concert with the Soviet Union. 
This could have led to the Soviet Union's entry into the war against Japan and Japan's defeat in the revolution. 
The crisis was resolved by the efforts of Japanese generals and civilians on Iwo Jima, Okinawa, and elsewhere. 
Iwo Jima and Okinawa were important targets that would determine the success or failure of the U.S. invasion of the Japanese mainland scheduled for the fall of 1945.
However, in these two battles, the U.S. forces were met with stubborn resistance from the Japanese troops, and they continued to engage in fierce battles that were fought to the last man on the battlefield, resulting in enormous casualties. 
On February 19, immediately after the Yalta Conference, the U.S. forces began landing on Iwo Jima, where the Japanese troops led by Lieutenant General Tadamichi Kuribayashi fortified the entire 22-square-kilometer island.
Even the commanding officers of the U.S. Marine Corps, who prided themselves on their bravery, were tongue-tied when they saw the meticulous preparations of the Japanese forces in aerial reconnaissance photographs. 
The U.S. forces, which had planned to occupy the island within five days of the invasion, ended up fighting to the death for more than a month.
The 20,000 Japanese troops on the defensive were almost completely wiped out, but the number of casualties among the attacking U.S. forces exceeded that of the Japanese.
The Japanese forces thoroughly forced the U.S. forces to bleed. 
The Battle of Okinawa was also a fierce battle that British Prime Minister Winston Churchill described as "the most intense and most famous battle in military history. The war lasted nearly four months, from April 1 (the landing on the main island of Okinawa by U.S. forces; the landing on the Kerama Islands took place on March 26) to June 22. 
During this period, Lieutenant General Simon B. Buckner, the Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces in the Battle of Okinawa, was killed in action.
In addition, the U.S. forces lost so many officers in the war that they did not have time to remember the names of the officers who had arrived. 
In particular, in the "Battle of Kakazu," an early battle in the Shuri Offensive, the Japanese forces defended a hilly area called Kakazu Highlands near Futenma for 16 days from April 8. 
According to one theory, there were about 24,000 casualties on the U.S. side (various theories exist). 
In the battles of Iwo Jima and Okinawa, the U.S. military faced brave and stubborn resistance from the Japanese Army, resulting in many casualties, and this led to growing calls among U.S. military leaders to "reconsider the demand for unconditional surrender." 
"The Battle of Okinawa ended in another overwhelming victory for the Americans. The Japanese Army was annihilated, and hundreds of planes and battleships of the Imperial Navy were destroyed. However, when the operation ended, almost none of the Americans who had participated in the battle felt even the slightest euphoria. They were filled with feelings of anxiety and fear at the task ahead. If capturing one base in the Ryukyus was so hard, how fierce would an invasion of the Japanese mainland be?" 
In Okinawa, in particular, the military and civilians, not only soldiers but also officials and civilians, worked in unison to resist the invasion. 
This led to the expectation of strong resistance not only from the Japanese Army but also from civilians in the mainland landing operations. 

Junichiro Shoji, an expert in military history research, also pointed out the following at the 2015 International Forum for the Study of War History (sponsored by the National Institute for Defense Studies of the Ministry of Defense). 
"For the United States, despite the incomplete and meager preparations for a decisive battle on the Japanese mainland, the biggest problem was the possible human casualties as the landing operation on Japanese soil ("Operation Downfall") became imminent. In other words, the vast number of troops remaining and the anticipated ball-breaking attacks were a threat. In addition, it is said that around 35% of the U.S. forces deployed were killed or wounded in the bitter experience of the Japanese resistance on Iwo Jima and Okinawa. For example, on June 18, 1945, President Harry S. Truman convened a meeting at the White House to review the conduct of the mainland landings and their human cost. The meeting was divided, especially overestimates of casualties from the landings. William D. Leahy, Chief of Staff to the Supreme Commander of the Army and Navy, and others estimated that the casualty rate for the Battle of Okinawa was about 35 percent and that the mainland landings would cause similar casualties and, therefore, were not optimistic about the landings and argued for relaxing the conditions for unconditional surrender to reduce casualties." 
As of February 1945, the "Weak Japan" faction, which insisted on unconditional surrender, was dominant within the U.S. government, but as a result of Japan's struggles in the battles of Iwo Jima and Okinawa, voices calling for a softer stance on unconditional surrender became more dominant among U.S. military leaders.
There are those in Japan today who coldly assert that the Japanese soldiers who died in the battles of Okinawa, Iwo Jima, and Peleliu "died in vain."
However, this is entirely wrong when one looks at the impact of these battles on the U.S. military and the Truman administration.
As the U.S. side acknowledges, the heroic and daring battles at Okinawa and Iwo Jima pushed back the U.S. policy of unconditional surrender to a great extent.
This article continues.



August 18, 2024 in Fukuyama

アメリカ側が認めているように、沖縄や硫黄島での勇猛果敢な戦いが、アメリカの無条件降伏政策を大きく押し戻したのである。

2024年08月20日 20時26分16秒 | 全般
そのほか、米軍は士官の戦死があまりにも多くて、着任した士官の名前を覚える暇もなかったほどだったという。 
2019年07月08日

以下の江崎道朗氏の著作は歴史的な名著である。
この本を読まなければ戦後から今日に至る日本の事は分からないと言っても過言ではない。
中国共産党軍が日本に対して行っていた情報工作活動の根幹は二分論(米国も採用)…政府と人民を区別し、人民は正しく政府は悪いとする…。
今朝、有数の読書家である友人に、「朝日などやNHKなどのメディアの態様は、この洗脳がいまだに続いていると言う事だなぁ」と問いかけたら、いや、「もうそれに特化していると言う事でしょう」、と返答して来た。

以下はp216からであるが、前章からご紹介しないと、この章が明らかにしている意味は十全には理解できないかもしれないので、どうぞ、最寄りの書店でご購読ください。
この章は日本国民、特に、沖縄県人が必読の書である。
硫黄島・沖縄での奮戦が「無条件降伏政策」を押し戻した 
このままだと無条件降伏政策を堅持するアメリカに対抗して、日本側も徹底抗戦と対ソ連携にこだわり、ソ連の対日参戦から日本の敗戦革命へという方向に進んでいきかねなかった。 
この危機を打開したものこそ、硫黄島・沖縄などにおける日本の将兵と民間人の奮戦であった。 
硫黄島と沖縄は、1945年秋に予定されていた米軍の日本本土侵攻計画の成否を握る重要な攻略目標だった。
しかしこの二つの戦いで米軍は、日本軍の頑強な抵抗に遭い、寸土を争う激闘を続け、膨大な死傷者を強いられた。 
ヤルタ会談の直後の2月19日に米軍の上陸が始まった硫黄島では、栗林忠道中将率いる日本軍が約22平方キロの硫黄島全土を要塞化して迎え撃った。
剛勇を誇るアメリカ海兵隊指揮官たちですら、空中偵察写真で日本軍の周到な準備を見て舌を巻いたという。 
攻略開始から5日間で島を占領する計画だった米軍は、結局、1ヵ月以上も死闘を繰り広げることになった。
防御側の日本軍約2万名はほぼ全滅したが、攻撃側の米軍の死傷者数は日本側を上回った。
日本軍は徹底して米軍に出血を強いたのである。 
沖縄戦も、イギリスの首相ウィンストン・チャーチルが「軍事史上もっとも苛烈でもっとも有名な戦いである」と評した激戦であり、4月1日(米軍による沖縄本島上陸。慶良間諸島上陸は3月26日)から6月22日まで、4ヵ月近くにわたって戦闘が続いた。 
その間に、沖縄戦の連合軍最高司令官であったサイモン・B・バックナー中将も戦死している。
そのほか、米軍は士官の戦死があまりにも多くて、着任した士官の名前を覚える暇もなかったほどだったという。 
特に首里攻防戦初期の戦闘である「嘉数の戦い」は、普天間の近くにある嘉数高台という丘陵地を日本軍が4月8日から16日間守り抜き、一説によれば米軍側に約2万4000名の死傷者を出している(諸説あり)。 
硫黄島、沖縄などの戦いで、日本軍の勇敢かつ頑強な抵抗に直面し、多数の死傷者を出したことで、米軍幹部のあいだで「無条件降伏要求の見直し」を求める声が強まることになった。 
《沖縄戦はまたもアメリカの圧倒的勝利に終わった。日本の陸軍部隊が全滅し、何百機という飛行機や帝国海軍殼大の戦艦も破壊した。だが、この作戦が終わったとき、戦いに加わっていたアメリカ人でいささかでも高揚感を感じた者など皆無に等しかった。行く手に控える任務を前にして、不安と恐怖の感情が専らであった。琉球の一つの基地を獲得するのがこれほど大変だとしたら、日本本土への侵攻はどれほどの激戦になるのだろうか》 
特に沖縄では、軍官民、つまり軍人だけでなく官吏と民間人までが一体となって抵抗したことから、本土上陸作戦においても、日本軍だけでなく、民間人による強烈な抵抗が予想されることになった。 
戦史研究の専門家である庄司潤一郎氏も平成27年度戦争史研究国際フォーラム(防衛省防衛研究所主催)において、次のように指摘している。 
《米国にとって、このように日本側の本土決戦準備の状況は不完全で貧弱であったにもかかわらず、対日本土上陸作戦(「ダウンフォール作戦」)が迫るにつれ、生じ得る人的損害が最大の問題となった。すなわち、膨大な残存兵力と想定された玉砕攻撃は脅威であり、加えて、いずれも投入した米軍の35パーセント前後が死傷したと言われる、硫黄島・沖縄における日本軍の抵抗で苦戦を強いられた体験は大きいものがあったのである。例えば、1945年6月18日、ハリー・トルーマン(Harry S. Truman)大統領は、本土上陸作戦実施とその人的損害を検討するために、ホワイトハウスに会議を招集した。会議は、特に上陸作戦の死傷者の見積もりをめぐって、見解が分かれた。ウィリアム・リービ(William D.Leahy)陸海軍最高司令官付参謀長らは、沖縄戦の死傷率は約35パーセントで、本土上陸に際してもほぼ同様な犠牲が生じると推定し、したがって上陸作戦には積極的ではなく、犠牲を少なくするために、無条件降伏の条件緩和を主張していた》 
1945年2月の時点でアメリカ政府内部では、あくまで無条件降伏を求める「ウィーク・ジャパン派」が優勢であったのだが、硫黄島と沖縄戦での日本の奮闘の結果、無条件降伏の緩和を求める声が、米軍幹部のなかで優勢になってきたというのだ。 
現在の日本には、沖縄や硫黄島、ペリリューの戦いなどで亡くなった日本兵たちは「無駄死に」だったと冷たく言い放つ論者もいる。
だが、これらの戦いが米軍、そしてトルーマン政権に与えた影響を見れば、まったくの間違いだ。
アメリカ側が認めているように、沖縄や硫黄島での勇猛果敢な戦いが、アメリカの無条件降伏政策を大きく押し戻したのである。

この稿続く。

 

2024/8/18 in Fukuyama

Herbert Norman, a proponent of the Comintern view of history

2024年08月20日 17時55分57秒 | 全般

In high school, I was assigned to write for LIBRARIA, an excellent booklet published by my alma mater's library.
All my classmates were brilliant people who would go on to represent Japan, so all of the essays intended for the Miyagi Prefecture Book Report Contest were excellent.
One of them was "Andō Shōeki" (Herbert Norman).
That was the first time I saw the name Herbert Norman.

The following is an excerpt from the historical book by Michio Ezaki.
Emphasis in the text, except for the headline, is mine.

Herbert Norman, a proponent of the Comintern view of history
Herbert Norman is another crucial figure in the IPR community, along with Bisson. 
A Canadian, Norman was born in Karuizawa in 1909, the son of a Canadian Methodist pastor posted to Japan and grew up in Japan until the age of 17.
He later studied at the University of Toronto, Cambridge, and Harvard.
His specialty is the study of Japanese history.
Norman joined the British Communist Party while at Cambridge University.
In subsequent years, Norman was involved in various ways with the Communist Party front organizations in Canada, Amerasia, and the IPR. 
In 1936, he became secretary of the Society of Friends of the Chinese People in Canada. 
At the end of that year, he wrote to his wife that he had visited New York and "was introduced to several people at Mr. and Mrs. Phillips', including a Chinese couple who were editors of China Today. 
As mentioned earlier, China Today is the journal of the American Friends of the Chinese People, a front organization of the Communist Party of the United States and an outpost of the Comintern.
And IPR's sister organization, Amerasia, was also a Soviet-Comintern propaganda organ.
Norman wrote in a letter dated April 18 that he had written an article for Amerasia. 
Norman joined the Canadian Foreign Service in 1939 and received his doctorate the following May 1940. 
Shortly after that, he was posted to Japan as a language officer before the outbreak of the war between the U.S. and Japan. 
Norman's doctoral dissertation, "The Formation of the Modern State in Japan," was published in February 1940 as part of IPR's "Survey Series.
In this dissertation, Norman argues that "Japan's ruling system after the Meiji Restoration was formed by the combination of an absolutist emperor system with landlords, prominent merchants, and clan factions, and the ruling class' ideology left no room for liberalism. The Meiji Restoration did not guillotine the emperor like the English Revolution or French Revolution and did not experience a bourgeois revolution, so the emperor and the feudal ruling class remained in collusion, ordinary people continued to be abused, and the country became a fascist state."

This paper was widely read by government and military officials involved in the occupation policy against Japan.
MacArthur was also a fan of the paper, so he recruited Norman, a Canadian, to join his staff at GHQ. 
The framework of Norman's argument is mainly consistent with the "32 Years Thesis" adopted by the Comintern in 1932 and the arguments of the Kōza-ha, a group of theorists who were members of the Japanese Communist Party.

In fact, from July to September 1941, Norman later received one-on-one lectures from Goro Hani himself to learn more deeply about the analysis of the Meiji Restoration in "Iwanami Koza: History of Japan," written by Goro Hani, a member of the Koza school. 

Having thus refined his Lecture School theory, Norman attended the 8th IPR Conference, which was held in Mont-Tremblant (Quebec, Canada) from December 4 to 14, 1942.
Nonfiction writer Miyoko Kudo notes, "From the time of this conference, Norman became the 'face' of the Canadian Ministry of Foreign Affairs when it spoke about Japan at international forums, and the image of Japan as Norman and Norman as Japan was gaining ground both at home and abroad. 
The young researcher who had become a leading figure in the international community's study of "Japan" was, in fact, a Comintern agent.
The left is still very good at utilizing such human resources, so we should be careful.

 


August 18, 2024 in Fukuyama 


I dette verdisystemet er litteraterne rangert høyere enn militæret, og

2024年08月20日 17時32分00秒 | 全般

2021/8/25
Følgende er hentet fra Sekihes kronikk i dagens Sankei Shimbun med tittelen «Den koreanske holdningen, som japanerne ikke kan tilgi».
Det er en artikkel som må leses, ikke bare for japanske borgere, men også for mennesker over hele verden.

Jeg publiserte «Det koreanske folket er historiens gjerningsmenn: Troublemakers in East Asia» (Asuka Shinsha) i 2016 (Heisei 28).
Denne boken utvider omfanget av Korea-spørsmålet fra Kina-spørsmålet til Korea-spørsmålet.
Jeg er ikke ekspert på Koreahalvøya.
Likevel følte jeg meg tvunget til å skrive om det.
Når jeg først hadde bestemt meg, ville jeg bruke pennen (talen) til å gå rett på sak.
Det er min måte å skrive på.
Mitt debutverk, Why Do the Chinese Hate the Japanese? (PHP Institute), som ble utgitt i 2002, var motivert av et ønske om å motbevise den følelsesladde «anti-japanske» stemningen som bevisst ble skapt av det kinesiske kommunistpartiets regime.
Det som fikk meg til å ta opp spørsmålet om Koreahalvøya, var den daværende sørkoreanske presidenten Park Geun-hyes uttalelse i 2013 om at «posisjonen til gjerningsmannen og offeret ikke vil endre seg selv om det går 1000 år».
Tusen år?
Mener du at jeg må fortsette å «be om unnskyldning» til Korea for mine barn og barnebarn og i all fremtid?
Som japansk statsborger (naturalisert i 2007) følte jeg at dette var uakseptabelt og utilgivelig.
Det var da jeg satte meg grundig inn i den koreanske halvøyas historie.
Frem til nå har mange mennesker på den koreanske halvøya trodd at det koreanske folket hadde en tragisk historie med hyppige invasjoner fra nabolandene, ut fra det geopolitiske perspektivet at de var knyttet til fastlandet.
I virkeligheten var dette imidlertid ikke tilfelle.
Det er for eksempel velkjent at Goryeo-hæren var den første til å angripe Japan under Genko-invasjonen, og kongen av Goryeo tilbød seg til og med å angripe Japan mot Yuan.
I moderne tid førte Koreakrigen (1950-1953), en «borgerkrig» mellom to folk av samme etniske gruppe, til at henholdsvis Sør- og Nord-Korea påførte USA og Kina store tap, men til slutt kom det ikke noe ut av det.
De vendte ganske enkelt tilbake til situasjonen før krigen begynte. 
Historisk sett har landene på Koreahalvøya med andre ord vært mer «gjerningsmenn» enn «ofre».
De var bråkmakere som trakk inn og skapte problemer for naboland som Japan, Kina og Russland.
Med tanke på deres holdning er det forståelig at de selv i dag frekt bryter internasjonale regler og avtaler mellom land.
Dette perspektivet har vi ikke sett mye av tidligere.

Det japanske styret i Korea (1910-45) moderniserte et samfunn der konfucianske verdier, politisk korrupsjon og undertrykkelse hadde regjert.
I «Hvorfor gjentar helvete seg alltid på den koreanske halvøya» (Tokuma Shoten) går jeg også nærmere inn på konfucianismens innflytelse. 
Under Joseon-dynastiet var konfucianismen (Cheng-Zhu-skolen) statsreligion i Korea.
I dette verdisystemet er de litterære rangert høyere enn de militære, og «militæret» blir tatt lett på.
Det er grunnen til at det koreanske folkets kriger i utlandet alltid involverer hjelp fra styrker utenfra.
De så også ned på handel, industri, medisin og andre felt, og plasserte de som var involvert i disse feltene i en lav status.
Dette førte til at byfolkets kultur, som blomstret i Japan under Edo-perioden, ikke utviklet seg.
På den annen side var Japan et av de første landene som ble modernisert med Meiji-restaurasjonen, da selv vanlige folk kunne lese, skrive og spille soroban (et japansk musikkinstrument). 
Korea, som valgte en «underdanig» tilnærming for å beskytte seg selv ved å følge det selvhevdende Kina, kalte seg «Lille Kina» innenfor den sinosentriske ordenen med Kina som overherre.
«Memoarene til de koreanske utsendingene», som ofte kom til Japan i Edo-perioden (1603-1867), viser at de så ned på japanerne og behandlet dem som ‘dyr’ med ‘urent blod’.
De var ikke utsendinger av vennskap eller velvilje.


2024/8/18 in Fukuyama


国際社会における「日本」研究の第一人者として脚光を浴びた若き研究者が、実はコミテルンの工作員であったわけだ。

2024年08月20日 17時29分30秒 | 全般
私が高校生だった時、母校の図書館が発行していた素晴らしい冊子、LIBRARIAに執筆を命じられた。
私の同級生たちは皆、日本を代表することになる様な俊秀達だったから、宮城県の読書感想コンクールに応募するのが趣旨の論文は、どれも見事なものだった。
その中に「安藤昌益」(ハーバート・ノーマン)があった。
それが、私がハーバート・ノーマンという名前を目にした最初だった。

以下は、江崎道朗氏の歴史的な名著からの抜粋である。
見出し以外の文中強調は私。

コミンテルン史観の吹聴者ハーバート・ノーマン 
IPR関係者のなかで、ビッソンと並ぶもう一人のキーパーソンがハーバート・ノーマンである。 
ノーマンはカナダ人で、1909年、日本に赴任したカナダ・メソジスト教会牧師の息子として軽井沢で生まれ、17歳まで日本で育った。
その後、トロント大学、ケンブリッジ大学、ハーヴァード大学で学んだ。
専門は日本史研究である。
ノーマンはケンブリッジ大学在学中にイギリス共産党に入党している。
それ以後の動きを見ると、ノーマンは、カナダ国内の共産党フロント組織や『アメラジア』やIPRと様々な関わりを持っている。 
1936年にはカナダ中国人民友の会の書記に就任、その年末にニューヨークを訪問して「フィリップス夫妻のところで『チャイナ・トゥデイ』のエディターの中国人夫妻など数人を紹介された」ことを妻宛の手紙に書いている。 
『チャイナ・トゥデイ』は先に述べたように、コミンテルンの出先機関であるアメリカ共産党のフロント組織、アメリカ中国人民友の会の機関誌である。
そして、IPRの姉妹組織の『アメラジア』もソ連・コミンテルンの宣伝工作機関だった。
ノーマンは4月18日付の手紙で『アメラジア』に記事を執筆したと書いている。 
ノーマンは1939年にカナダ外務省に入り、翌1940年5月に博士号を取得すると、その直後に語学官として日米開戦前の日本に赴任した。 
ノーマンの博士論文『日本における近代国家の成立』は、1940年2月にIPRの「調査シリーズ」として刊行された。
この論文で、ノーマンは次のように主張する。 
明治維新以後の日本の支配体制は、絶対主義的な天皇制と、地主や大商人や藩閥勢力とが結びついて形成されており、支配層のイデオロギーには自由主義が入る余地がない。
明治維新はイギリス革命やフラッス革命のように天皇をギロチンにかけておらず、ブルジョア革命を経験しなかったから、天皇と封建的な支配階級が結託したまま、一般の庶民が虐待され続け、ファシズム国家になった―。

この論文は対日占領政策に関わる政府や軍の幹部たちに広く読まれた。
マッカーサーもこの論文を愛読していたことから、カナダ人のノーマンをGHQのスタッフとして引き抜いたという経緯がある。 
ノーマンの主張の枠組みは、1932年にコミンテルンで採択された「32年テーゼ」や、講座派という日本共産党員の理論家集団の議論とほぼ一致している。

事実、ノーマンはその後、1941年7月から9月にかけて、講座派の羽仁五郎が書いた『岩波講座・日本史』の明治維新の分析をさらに深く学ぶため、羽仁五郎自身から一対一で講義を受けている。 

こうして講座派の理論に磨きをかけたノーマンは、1942年12月4日から14日まで、モン・トンブラン(カナダのケベック州)で開催された第8回IPR会議に出席した。
ノンフィクション作家の工藤美代子氏は、「この会議の頃から、ノーマンはカナダ外務省が、日本関係について国際的な場で発言する際の、いわば『顔』とも形容できる地位につき、日本といえばノーマン、ノーマンといえば日本というイメージが、内外ともに定着しつつあった」と述べている。 

国際社会における「日本」研究の第一人者として脚光を浴びた若き研究者が、実はコミテルンの工作員であったわけだ。
左派は、いまもこうした人材活用が得意なので、気をつけておきたい。


2024/8/18 in Fukuyama 


I detta värdesystem rankas litterärerna högre än militärerna, och

2024年08月20日 17時17分36秒 | 全般

2021/8/25
Följande är hämtat från Sekihes krönika i dagens Sankei Shimbun med titeln ”Den koreanska attityden, som japaner inte kan förlåta”.
Det är en artikel som måste läsas inte bara för japanska medborgare utan också för människor runt om i världen.

Jag publicerade ”Det koreanska folket är historiens förövare: Troublemakers in East Asia” (Asuka Shinsha) 2016 (Heisei 28).
I denna bok utvidgas frågan om Koreahalvön från Kina till Koreahalvön.
Jag är inte någon expert på frågor som rör Koreahalvön.
Ändå kände jag mig tvungen att skriva om det.
När jag väl hade bestämt mig skulle jag använda min penna (mitt tal) för att gå rakt på sak.
Det är min stil att skriva.
Mitt debutverk, Why Do the Chinese Hate the Japanese? (PHP Institute), som publicerades 2002, motiverades av en önskan att motbevisa den känslomässiga ”antijapanska” stämningen som medvetet skapades av det kinesiska kommunistpartiets regim.
Det som fick mig att ta upp frågan om den koreanska halvön var den dåvarande sydkoreanska presidenten Park Geun-hyes uttalande 2013 om att ”förövarens och offrets ställning inte kommer att förändras även om det går 1 000 år”.
Tusen år?
Menar du att jag måste fortsätta att ”be om ursäkt” till Korea för mina barn och barnbarn och för all framtid?
Som japansk medborgare (naturaliserad 2007) kände jag att detta var oacceptabelt och oförlåtligt.
Det var då jag gjorde grundliga efterforskningar om den koreanska halvöns historia.
Hittills har många människor på den koreanska halvön trott att det koreanska folket hade en tragisk historia av frekventa invasioner från grannländer, utifrån det geopolitiska perspektivet att vara anslutet till fastlandet.
I verkligheten var detta dock inte fallet.
Det är till exempel välkänt att Goryeos armé var den första som anföll Japan under Genko-invasionen, och kungen av Goryeo erbjöd sig till och med att anfalla Japan mot Yuan.
I modern tid ledde Koreakriget (1950-1953), ett ”inbördeskrig” mellan två folk av samma etniska grupp, till att Syd- respektive Nordkorea orsakade stora förluster för USA och Kina, men i slutändan ledde det inte till något.
De återgick helt enkelt till den situation de befann sig i innan kriget började. 
Med andra ord har länderna på Koreahalvön historiskt sett varit mer av ”förövare” än ”offer”.
De har varit bråkmakare som dragit in och orsakat problem för grannländer som Japan, Kina och Ryssland.
Med tanke på deras attityd är det förståeligt att de än idag fräckt bryter mot internationella regler och avtal mellan länder.
Detta perspektiv har inte setts mycket tidigare.

Under det japanska styret i Korea (1910-45) moderniserades ett samhälle där konfucianska värderingar, politisk korruption och förtryck hade varit förhärskande.
I ”Why Is Hell Always Repeating Itself on the Korean Peninsula” (Tokuma Shoten) fördjupar jag mig också i konfucianismens inflytande. 
Under Joseondynastin var konfucianismen (Cheng-Zhu-skolan) statsreligion i Korea.
I detta värdesystem rankas de litterära högre än de militära, och ”militär” tas lättvindigt.
Det är därför som det koreanska folkets utländska krig alltid involverar hjälp från utomstående krafter.
Man såg också ner på handel, industri, medicin och andra områden och gav dem som arbetade inom dessa områden låg status.
Detta innebar att den stadsbornas kultur som blomstrade i Japan under Edo-perioden inte utvecklades.
Å andra sidan var Japan ett av de första länderna som moderniserades i och med Meiji-restaurationen, då även vanliga människor kunde läsa, skriva och spela soroban (ett japanskt musikinstrument). 
Korea, som antog en ”underdånig” strategi för att skydda sig genom att följa det självsäkra Kina, kallade sig ”Lilla Kina” inom den sinocentriska ordningen med Kina som överherre.
”De koreanska sändebudens memoarer”, som ofta kom till Japan under Edo-perioden (1603-1867), visar att de såg ner på japanerna och behandlade dem som ’odjur’ med ’orent blod’.
De var inte vänskapens eller den goda viljans sändebud.


2024/8/18 in Fukuyama

 


Dalam sistem nilai ini, kaum terpelajar diberi peringkat lebih tinggi dibandingkan kaum militer, dan

2024年08月20日 17時15分51秒 | 全般

2021/8/25
Berikut ini adalah artikel serial Pak Sekihe di Sankei Shimbun hari ini yang berjudul “Sikap Orang Korea yang Tidak Bisa Dimaafkan oleh Orang Jepang.
Ini adalah artikel yang harus dibaca tidak hanya untuk warga Jepang tetapi juga untuk orang-orang di seluruh dunia.

Saya menerbitkan “Rakyat Korea Adalah Pelaku Sejarah: Pembuat Onar di Asia Timur” (Asuka Shinsha) pada tahun 2016 (Heisei 28).
Buku ini memperluas cakupan masalah Semenanjung Korea dari masalah China ke masalah Semenanjung Korea.
Saya bukanlah seorang ahli dalam masalah Semenanjung Korea.
Namun, saya merasa terdorong untuk menulis tentang hal itu.
Begitu saya memutuskan, saya akan menggunakan pena (pidato) saya untuk langsung ke intinya.
Itulah gaya penulisan saya.
Karya perdana saya, Mengapa Orang Cina Membenci Orang Jepang (PHP Institute), yang diterbitkan pada tahun 2002, dimotivasi oleh keinginan untuk membantah sentimen emosional “anti-Jepang” yang sengaja diciptakan oleh rezim Partai Komunis Cina.
Yang memicu saya untuk membahas masalah Semenanjung Korea adalah pernyataan Presiden Korea Selatan saat itu, Park Geun-hye, pada tahun 2013 bahwa “posisi pelaku dan korban tidak akan berubah meskipun 1.000 tahun berlalu.
Seribu tahun?
Apakah Anda mengatakan bahwa saya harus terus “meminta maaf” kepada Korea untuk anak cucu saya dan selamanya?
Sebagai warga negara Jepang (dinaturalisasi pada tahun 2007), saya merasa hal ini tidak dapat diterima dan tidak dapat dimaafkan.
Saat itulah saya meneliti sejarah semenanjung Korea secara menyeluruh.
Hingga saat ini, banyak orang di Semenanjung Korea yang percaya bahwa rakyat Korea memiliki sejarah tragis yang sering diserang oleh negara-negara tetangga dari perspektif geopolitik karena terhubung dengan daratan.
Namun pada kenyataannya, hal ini tidak terjadi.
Sebagai contoh, diketahui bahwa tentara Goryeo adalah yang pertama kali menyerang Jepang selama invasi Genko, dan raja Goryeo bahkan menawarkan diri untuk menyerang Jepang melawan Yuan.
Di zaman modern, Perang Korea (1950-1953), sebuah “perang saudara” yang terjadi antara dua orang dari kelompok etnis yang sama, membuat Korea Selatan dan Korea Utara masing-masing menjatuhkan banyak korban di Amerika Serikat dan Tiongkok, tetapi pada akhirnya, tidak ada yang terjadi.
Mereka hanya kembali ke situasi mereka sebelum perang dimulai. 
Dengan kata lain, secara historis, negara-negara di Semenanjung Korea lebih banyak menjadi “pelaku” daripada “korban”.
Mereka adalah pengacau yang menyeret dan menyebabkan masalah bagi negara-negara tetangga seperti Jepang, Cina, dan Rusia.
Mengingat sikap mereka, dapat dimengerti bahwa bahkan hingga saat ini, mereka dengan berani melanggar aturan dan perjanjian internasional antar negara.
Perspektif ini belum pernah terlihat sebelumnya.

Kekuasaan Jepang di Korea (1910-45) memodernisasi masyarakat yang sebelumnya dikuasai oleh nilai-nilai Konfusianisme, korupsi politik, dan penindasan.
Dalam “Mengapa Neraka Selalu Berulang di Semenanjung Korea” (Tokuma Shoten), saya juga menyelidiki pengaruh Konfusianisme. 
Selama Dinasti Joseon, Konfusianisme (aliran Cheng-Zhu) adalah agama negara Korea.
Dalam sistem nilai ini, sastrawan memiliki kedudukan yang lebih tinggi daripada militer, dan “militer” dianggap enteng.
Itulah sebabnya mengapa perang luar negeri rakyat Korea selalu melibatkan bantuan kekuatan luar.
Mereka juga memandang rendah perdagangan, industri, kedokteran, dan bidang-bidang lainnya, dan menempatkan mereka yang terlibat dalam bidang-bidang ini dalam status yang rendah.
Hal ini berarti bahwa budaya masyarakat kota yang berkembang di Jepang selama periode Edo tidak berkembang.
Di sisi lain, Jepang adalah salah satu negara pertama yang mencapai modernisasi dengan Restorasi Meiji, ketika orang biasa pun dapat membaca, menulis, dan memainkan soroban (alat musik Jepang). 
Korea, yang mengadopsi pendekatan “tunduk” untuk melindungi dirinya sendiri dengan mengikuti Tiongkok yang tegas, menyebut dirinya “Tiongkok Kecil” dalam tatanan Sinosentris di bawah Tiongkok sebagai penguasanya.
“Memoar para utusan Korea,” yang sering datang ke Jepang selama periode Edo (1603-1867), menunjukkan bahwa mereka memandang rendah orang Jepang, memperlakukan mereka sebagai ‘binatang buas’ dengan ”darah najis.”
Mereka bukanlah utusan persahabatan atau niat baik.


2024/8/18 in Fukuyama