The following is an excerpt from an article by economic security analyst Koji Hirai, which appeared in the monthly magazine WiLL on September 26 in a three-column format on pages 98 to 105.
This article also proves that he is one of the national treasures defined by Saicho.
It is a must-read not only for Japanese citizens but also for people worldwide.
Airspace and territorial waters violations, seven organizations for Japan-China friendship, Japan-China friendship parliamentary group...
Why not create a counterespionage law?
We don't need a "pipeline to China" that just sucks us in unilaterally.
What is the "true purpose" of airspace violations?
A Y9 intelligence-gathering aircraft of the Chinese People's Liberation Army violated Japanese airspace near the Nagasaki Prefecture Goto Islands for about two minutes (August 26).
The following day, the Japan-China Parliamentary Friendship League, which had visited China, met with Zhao Leji, the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress of the Communist Party of China.
They expressed their regret at the violation of Japanese airspace by the People's Liberation Army and called for a recurrence to be prevented, but that was all.
At this meeting, it was decided that the exchanges between Japan and China should be strengthened and dialogue should continue.
The delegation returned home without making any claims based on Japan's national interests.
In political warfare, it is essential to spread political propaganda.
China targets the political elite of the country it is targeting.
It is because they are in a position to exercise power and can make policy decisions that directly affect the interests of the Chinese Communist Party.
China's political warfare is said to go beyond the three battles (public opinion, media, psychological, and legal battles) and united front work and to be carried out by combining soft power functions such as disinformation and overt and covert media manipulation with state functions such as espionage and violent operations.
Because it is carried out below the surface, it is the most difficult to analyze and discover, and there is no publicly known information.
What is public opinion and media warfare?
Propaganda is disseminated to the people of the target country through terrestrial broadcasting, online programming, video apps, movies, books, etc.
The aim is to influence public opinion. The major Japanese media reported on the incursion above into Japanese airspace in a way that gave the impression that it was a "careless mistake" by the People's Liberation Army, with headlines such as "Chinese military aircraft violates airspace, Ministry of Defense confirms for the first time, government lodges stern protest."
However, the aim was to gather information.
When foreign military aircraft violate Japanese airspace, radar sites scattered around Kyushu emit radio waves such as radar frequencies.
By having information-gathering aircraft violate Japanese airspace, the Chinese military attempted to intercept and gather information that their uncrewed aerial vehicles could not.
This information would then be analyzed, and the signal data would be loaded into the fighter jets' detection radar and anti-radar missiles, which would then be used to attack the radar of Japanese and American bases.
Why didn't the Japanese media report this fact to the public? The strategy of a united front is one of the "magic weapons" that will be used to achieve Xi Jinping's "Chinese Dream."
It suggests that China's infiltration work, public opinion war, and media war are reaching deep into our country.
The following day, the Japan-China Parliamentary Friendship League, which had visited China, met with Zhao Leji, the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress of the Communist Party of China.
They expressed their regret at the violation of Japanese airspace by the People's Liberation Army and called for a recurrence to be prevented, but that was all.
At this meeting, it was decided that the exchanges between Japan and China should be strengthened and dialogue should continue.
The delegation returned home without making any claims based on Japan's national interests.
In political warfare, it is essential to spread political propaganda.
China targets the political elite of the country it is targeting.
It is because they are in a position to exercise power and can make policy decisions that directly affect the interests of the Chinese Communist Party.
China's political warfare is said to go beyond the three battles (public opinion, media, psychological, and legal battles) and united front work and to be carried out by combining soft power functions such as disinformation and overt and covert media manipulation with state functions such as espionage and violent operations.
Because it is carried out below the surface, it is the most difficult to analyze and discover, and there is no publicly known information.
What is public opinion and media warfare?
Propaganda is disseminated to the people of the target country through terrestrial broadcasting, online programming, video apps, movies, books, etc.
The aim is to influence public opinion. The major Japanese media reported on the incursion above into Japanese airspace in a way that gave the impression that it was a "careless mistake" by the People's Liberation Army, with headlines such as "Chinese military aircraft violates airspace, Ministry of Defense confirms for the first time, government lodges stern protest."
However, the aim was to gather information.
When foreign military aircraft violate Japanese airspace, radar sites scattered around Kyushu emit radio waves such as radar frequencies.
By having information-gathering aircraft violate Japanese airspace, the Chinese military attempted to intercept and gather information that their uncrewed aerial vehicles could not.
This information would then be analyzed, and the signal data would be loaded into the fighter jets' detection radar and anti-radar missiles, which would then be used to attack the radar of Japanese and American bases.
Why didn't the Japanese media report this fact to the public? The strategy of a united front is one of the "magic weapons" that will be used to achieve Xi Jinping's "Chinese Dream."
It suggests that China's infiltration work, public opinion war, and media war are reaching deep into our country.
A Covert Organization Eroding Japan:
In January 2019, the US Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) published a report titled "China's Military Power."
The report revealed that the Political Department Liaison Bureau, which is part of the Central Military Commission's Political Work Department Liaison Bureau, is conducting "political warfare" against the US, Taiwan, and especially Japan and gathering and analyzing information related to senior officials in these and other countries.
In June of the same year, Russell H. Siu (Jamestown Foundation) published a report entitled "Preliminary Survey of Chinese Communist Party Influence Operations in Japan."
In the report, Mr. Siu defines political warfare as "a set of overt or covert means used by a government to influence the perceptions, beliefs, and actions of other governments and societies to achieve national objectives."
He states that the means by which the CCP is conducting malicious influence operations against Japan have not been clarified.
He also states that it is necessary to investigate the agencies and methods of these operations and their potential effectiveness in influencing the Japanese government.
The CCP conducts influence operations through "united front work," which involves influencing, indoctrinating, and mobilizing people and organizations other than CCP members to achieve the party's goals.
The Chinese Communist Party's General Secretary Xi Jinping has focused on united front work and brought organizations to the fore with a united front orientation.
The main united front organization is the China Peace and Reunification Promotion Council, or the CCPPR, which is directly under the CCP's United Front Work Department.
The report mentions the names of some of the subordinate organizations active in Japan, including the All Japan Chinese People Promotion China Peace and Reunification Association, the All Japan Overseas Chinese and Chinese People China Peace and Reunification Promotion Association, and the Japan Federation of Overseas Chinese and Chinese People.
Under the guise of private exchange, these organizations are tasked with steering the domestic discussion in a direction favorable to the Chinese Communist Party by creating a united front among the Japanese people.
The China Association for International Friendly Contact, led by Yang Wanming, is an organization that conducts elite recruitment activities mainly through exchanges between high-level (elite) figures in Japan and China.
The Chinese People's Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries has a bureau dedicated to Japan-related activities.
The China Association for International Friendly Contact (CAIFC), affiliated with the Central Military Commission's Political Work Department, carries out influence operations through China's diplomatic, national security, united front, propaganda, and military channels.
In Japan, this organization interacts with various sectors of Japanese society, including religious groups, architects, calligraphy associations, and veterans, and guides United Front operations.
The danger of the Confucius Institutes, known as the "Trojan Horse" of the Chinese Communist Party, has also been questioned.
There are 12 Confucius Institutes in Japan (Table 1).
In the United States, there are concerns about the Chinese embassy's interference in student groups, and the US Congress has restricted federal funding for schools that have accepted the establishment of Confucius Institutes.
The State Department has recognized the "US Center for Confucius Institutes" in Washington, which oversees Confucius Institutes across the United States, as an agency of the Chinese government.
According to the US General Accounting Office, the number of Confucius Institutes established within US universities has decreased from around 100 to less than five.
However, in Japan, we have only been able to confirm the closure of three schools.
What is the reason for not closing the Confucius Institutes, which are seen as a danger in the United States?
The report revealed that the Political Department Liaison Bureau, which is part of the Central Military Commission's Political Work Department Liaison Bureau, is conducting "political warfare" against the US, Taiwan, and especially Japan and gathering and analyzing information related to senior officials in these and other countries.
In June of the same year, Russell H. Siu (Jamestown Foundation) published a report entitled "Preliminary Survey of Chinese Communist Party Influence Operations in Japan."
In the report, Mr. Siu defines political warfare as "a set of overt or covert means used by a government to influence the perceptions, beliefs, and actions of other governments and societies to achieve national objectives."
He states that the means by which the CCP is conducting malicious influence operations against Japan have not been clarified.
He also states that it is necessary to investigate the agencies and methods of these operations and their potential effectiveness in influencing the Japanese government.
The CCP conducts influence operations through "united front work," which involves influencing, indoctrinating, and mobilizing people and organizations other than CCP members to achieve the party's goals.
The Chinese Communist Party's General Secretary Xi Jinping has focused on united front work and brought organizations to the fore with a united front orientation.
The main united front organization is the China Peace and Reunification Promotion Council, or the CCPPR, which is directly under the CCP's United Front Work Department.
The report mentions the names of some of the subordinate organizations active in Japan, including the All Japan Chinese People Promotion China Peace and Reunification Association, the All Japan Overseas Chinese and Chinese People China Peace and Reunification Promotion Association, and the Japan Federation of Overseas Chinese and Chinese People.
Under the guise of private exchange, these organizations are tasked with steering the domestic discussion in a direction favorable to the Chinese Communist Party by creating a united front among the Japanese people.
The China Association for International Friendly Contact, led by Yang Wanming, is an organization that conducts elite recruitment activities mainly through exchanges between high-level (elite) figures in Japan and China.
The Chinese People's Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries has a bureau dedicated to Japan-related activities.
The China Association for International Friendly Contact (CAIFC), affiliated with the Central Military Commission's Political Work Department, carries out influence operations through China's diplomatic, national security, united front, propaganda, and military channels.
In Japan, this organization interacts with various sectors of Japanese society, including religious groups, architects, calligraphy associations, and veterans, and guides United Front operations.
The danger of the Confucius Institutes, known as the "Trojan Horse" of the Chinese Communist Party, has also been questioned.
There are 12 Confucius Institutes in Japan (Table 1).
In the United States, there are concerns about the Chinese embassy's interference in student groups, and the US Congress has restricted federal funding for schools that have accepted the establishment of Confucius Institutes.
The State Department has recognized the "US Center for Confucius Institutes" in Washington, which oversees Confucius Institutes across the United States, as an agency of the Chinese government.
According to the US General Accounting Office, the number of Confucius Institutes established within US universities has decreased from around 100 to less than five.
However, in Japan, we have only been able to confirm the closure of three schools.
What is the reason for not closing the Confucius Institutes, which are seen as a danger in the United States?
What are the "Seven Japan-China Friendship Organizations"?
The Chinese government officially recognizes seven organizations as "Japan-China friendship organizations."
The Japan-China Parliamentary League of Friendship, which we introduced at the beginning of this article, is included in this group, collectively called the "Seven Japan-China Friendship Organizations."
・Japan-China Parliamentary League of Friendship (Chairman: Toshihiro Nika)
・Japan-China Friendship Association (Chairman: Tokuichiro Utsunomiya)
・Japan International Trade Promotion Association (Chairman: Yohei Kono)
・Japan-China Cultural Exchange Association (Chairman: Senji Kuroi)
・Japan-China Economic Association (Chairman: Kosei Shindo)
・Japan-China Society (Chairman: Takeshi Noda)
・Japan-China Friendship Center (Chairman: Yuji Miyamoto)
Let's take a look at the seven chairpersons.
Toshihiro Nikai and Yohei Kono are well-known pro-China politicians.
Tokio Utsunomiya is the grandson of Tokuma Utsunomiya, a politician known for his pro-China stance.
Takeo Noda is also a member of the LDP and a former member of the House of Representatives.
Senji Kuroi is a novelist, and Yuji Miyamoto is a diplomat and former ambassador to China.
In the United States, the Republican and Democratic parties have reacted against Nippon Steel's acquisition of US Steel.
Some believe that the reason for this is the relationship between Nippon Steel and China.
In the aforementioned report, "China's Military Power," the DIAM pointed out that the Chinese government has been using seven Japan-China friendship groups to support its operations against Japan.
They are viewed with caution as organizations that have worked in unison with the Chinese Communist Party, which rules the authoritarian state of the People's Republic of China, to carry out united front work in our free and open country. In addition to these Chinese Communist Party front organizations, there are also local organizations in Japan that have ties to organizations that carry out political warfare in China.
Still, we will not go into detail here due to space limitations.
If you approach these Chinese Communist Party front organizations carelessly, you may find yourself caught up in an irreversible situation.
Infiltrating the Japanese political world through pro-China politicians
Toshihiro Nikai and Yohei Kono are well-known pro-China politicians.
Tokio Utsunomiya is the grandson of Tokuma Utsunomiya, a politician known for his pro-China stance.
Takeo Noda is also a member of the LDP and a former member of the House of Representatives.
Senji Kuroi is a novelist, and Yuji Miyamoto is a diplomat and former ambassador to China.
In the United States, the Republican and Democratic parties have reacted against Nippon Steel's acquisition of US Steel.
Some believe that the reason for this is the relationship between Nippon Steel and China.
In the aforementioned report, "China's Military Power," the DIAM pointed out that the Chinese government has been using seven Japan-China friendship groups to support its operations against Japan.
They are viewed with caution as organizations that have worked in unison with the Chinese Communist Party, which rules the authoritarian state of the People's Republic of China, to carry out united front work in our free and open country. In addition to these Chinese Communist Party front organizations, there are also local organizations in Japan that have ties to organizations that carry out political warfare in China.
Still, we will not go into detail here due to space limitations.
If you approach these Chinese Communist Party front organizations carelessly, you may find yourself caught up in an irreversible situation.
Infiltrating the Japanese political world through pro-China politicians
The infiltration of Japanese politics through pro-China politicians began in 1949 when the Chinese Communist Party founded the People's Republic of China.
The "Japan-China Trade Promotion Parliamentary League" (Chu-Nichi Girei), the predecessor of the Japan-China Parliamentary League of Friendship, played an important role.
The Chu-Nichi Girei had close ties with the "Democratic Defense League," the largest post-war United Front organization.
Ryoichiro Miyazaki and others who worked in the secretariat of the Democratic Defense League had belonged to Fumimaro Konoe's Showa Kenkyukai (Society for the Study of the Showa Period) together with Hidemitsu Ozaki, who was a Soviet spy before the war.
After the war, they proposed to Kei Hashiashi, who was busy establishing the Japan Association of Corporate Executives, that they "link the activities of the Japan-China Trade Promotion Association with the Diet to ease the embargo on trade with China and restrictions on travel to China."
In May 1949, the Japan-China Parliamentary League was established.
At the time, Japan was under the occupation of GHQ.
Companies were looking for ways to get out of the post-war recession.
Companies could not break free from the trade experience between the Empire of Japan and the Republic of China before the war, and they lacked awareness of the risks of trade with communist countries.
They could not ignore the actions of the companies that were their support base, and not only left-wing politicians but also conservative politicians joined the Japan-China Parliamentary League.
The Japan-China Parliamentary League strengthened its influence in the Diet by incorporating conservative politicians and connecting the government with related organizations.
The Chinese government, which focused on gaining the support of the Japanese people through anti-American protests, began to value the Japan-China Parliamentary League by lobbying the Japanese government and lifting restrictions on Japan-China trade.
The prototype of economic coercion.
The "Japan-China Trade Promotion Parliamentary League" (Chu-Nichi Girei), the predecessor of the Japan-China Parliamentary League of Friendship, played an important role.
The Chu-Nichi Girei had close ties with the "Democratic Defense League," the largest post-war United Front organization.
Ryoichiro Miyazaki and others who worked in the secretariat of the Democratic Defense League had belonged to Fumimaro Konoe's Showa Kenkyukai (Society for the Study of the Showa Period) together with Hidemitsu Ozaki, who was a Soviet spy before the war.
After the war, they proposed to Kei Hashiashi, who was busy establishing the Japan Association of Corporate Executives, that they "link the activities of the Japan-China Trade Promotion Association with the Diet to ease the embargo on trade with China and restrictions on travel to China."
In May 1949, the Japan-China Parliamentary League was established.
At the time, Japan was under the occupation of GHQ.
Companies were looking for ways to get out of the post-war recession.
Companies could not break free from the trade experience between the Empire of Japan and the Republic of China before the war, and they lacked awareness of the risks of trade with communist countries.
They could not ignore the actions of the companies that were their support base, and not only left-wing politicians but also conservative politicians joined the Japan-China Parliamentary League.
The Japan-China Parliamentary League strengthened its influence in the Diet by incorporating conservative politicians and connecting the government with related organizations.
The Chinese government, which focused on gaining the support of the Japanese people through anti-American protests, began to value the Japan-China Parliamentary League by lobbying the Japanese government and lifting restrictions on Japan-China trade.
The prototype of economic coercion.
In June 1950, North Korea started the Korean War.
The following May, a bill was passed to impose an embargo on China, and no members of the Japan-China Parliamentary League called for trade between Japan and China.
The turning point came in 1952.
Japan regained its independence with the coming into force of the Treaty of San Francisco on April 28, 1952.
That same month, Premier Zhou Enlai received information that three members of the Japanese Diet were to participate in an international economic conference being held in Moscow, then in the Soviet Union, and instructed the delegation heading to the conference from China to invite the three Diet members to visit China.
The three were Mr. Hoshi Kei, a member of the House of Councillors (from the Green Wind Party); Ms. Takara Tomi, a member of the House of Councillors (from the Green Wind Party); and Mr. Miyakoshi Kisosuke, a member of the House of Representatives (from the Democratic Party of Japan).
The three accepted Zhou Enlai's invitation and, after attending the international economic conference, flew to Beijing with their two secretaries, where they made initial contact with the senior officials of the newly established People's Republic of China.
In June, they concluded the first Japan-China private trade agreement as representatives of the Japan-China trade promotion organization with the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade.
As negotiations for a ceasefire on the Korean Peninsula progressed, demand for war-related goods in Japan decreased.
Faced with a decline in exports, some in the business community began to call for the resumption of trade with Communist China.
In this context, the Japan-China Parliamentary League for the Promotion of Trade (Japan-China Parliamentary League) was established (in 1952).
The Japan-China Parliamentary League had "local branch organizations in local assemblies" that the Japan-China Parliamentary League did not have.
Local assemblies in each prefecture and municipality also formed parliamentary leagues, and the Japan-China Parliamentary League came to have nationwide influence through these parliamentary leagues.
When the armistice agreement for the Korean War was signed, some in the Japanese business community called for Japan to ignore the risks of doing business with communist countries and instead focus on trade with China.
A delegation led by the head of the Japan-China Parliamentary League and the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade signed the second Japan-China Trade Agreement.
Over the objections of the US and ROC governments, Prime Minister Ichiro Hatoyama signed the Third Japan-China Trade Agreement, which clearly stated the establishment of a trade representative office and the conclusion of a payment agreement between national banks.
In signing the agreement, the Japan-China Parliamentary League and its local organizations lobbied the Diet and other bodies for cooperation.
The Fourth Sino-Japanese Trade Agreement was signed in March 1958. However, in April of the following year, China insisted on an indefinite extension of its implementation.
The Chinese government tried to get the Japanese government to recognize the People's Republic of China by using the political clauses added to the Third Sino-Japanese Trade Agreement and the Fourth Sino-Japanese Trade Agreement.
In response, the conservative administration of Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi issued a statement saying that Japan had no intention of recognizing China.
Japan-China trade was cut off without realizing China's hopes for establishing diplomatic relations.
The Japan-China Parliamentary League was the only organization that had signed all the Japan-China private trade agreements.
Although trade between Japan and China was temporarily cut off, Zhou Enlai, who keenly felt the need for private trade with Japan, announced the Three Principles of Trade with Japan.
Private trade between Japan and China resumed, but the situation continued where only friendly trading companies selected by the Chinese government could participate in trade.
With the permission of the Chinese Communist Party, pro-China groups monopolized the friendly trading companies, and pro-China business people made a profit.
For pro-China business people, the profit they made without working for it was like a drug.
Japanese companies, dissatisfied with the situation where certain companies were given preferential treatment in China, formed groups in each industry and began doing business with China.
The prototype of the economic coercion that China still uses today can already be seen.
The year after diplomatic relations were established between Japan and China, the Japan-China Parliamentary League for the Promotion of Trade was formed, which later became the Japan-China Parliamentary League for Friendship (1973).
The first president of the league, Aichiro Fujiyama, was first elected to the House of Representatives in the 1958 general election as a Liberal Democratic Party candidate.
As foreign minister, he repeatedly supported and cooperated in promoting Japan-China trade.
In 1971, as the leader of a delegation of the Japan-China Parliamentary League for the Restoration of Diplomatic Relations, Fujiyama signed a joint statement with the People's Republic of China declaring the Japan-Taiwan Treaty null and void.
The LDP punished him for this, as it was considered an act of treason against the state.
Even after retiring from politics, Fujiyama was involved in the conclusion of diplomatic relations between Japan and China.
Japan-China Parliamentary Friendship League
The following May, a bill was passed to impose an embargo on China, and no members of the Japan-China Parliamentary League called for trade between Japan and China.
The turning point came in 1952.
Japan regained its independence with the coming into force of the Treaty of San Francisco on April 28, 1952.
That same month, Premier Zhou Enlai received information that three members of the Japanese Diet were to participate in an international economic conference being held in Moscow, then in the Soviet Union, and instructed the delegation heading to the conference from China to invite the three Diet members to visit China.
The three were Mr. Hoshi Kei, a member of the House of Councillors (from the Green Wind Party); Ms. Takara Tomi, a member of the House of Councillors (from the Green Wind Party); and Mr. Miyakoshi Kisosuke, a member of the House of Representatives (from the Democratic Party of Japan).
The three accepted Zhou Enlai's invitation and, after attending the international economic conference, flew to Beijing with their two secretaries, where they made initial contact with the senior officials of the newly established People's Republic of China.
In June, they concluded the first Japan-China private trade agreement as representatives of the Japan-China trade promotion organization with the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade.
As negotiations for a ceasefire on the Korean Peninsula progressed, demand for war-related goods in Japan decreased.
Faced with a decline in exports, some in the business community began to call for the resumption of trade with Communist China.
In this context, the Japan-China Parliamentary League for the Promotion of Trade (Japan-China Parliamentary League) was established (in 1952).
The Japan-China Parliamentary League had "local branch organizations in local assemblies" that the Japan-China Parliamentary League did not have.
Local assemblies in each prefecture and municipality also formed parliamentary leagues, and the Japan-China Parliamentary League came to have nationwide influence through these parliamentary leagues.
When the armistice agreement for the Korean War was signed, some in the Japanese business community called for Japan to ignore the risks of doing business with communist countries and instead focus on trade with China.
A delegation led by the head of the Japan-China Parliamentary League and the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade signed the second Japan-China Trade Agreement.
Over the objections of the US and ROC governments, Prime Minister Ichiro Hatoyama signed the Third Japan-China Trade Agreement, which clearly stated the establishment of a trade representative office and the conclusion of a payment agreement between national banks.
In signing the agreement, the Japan-China Parliamentary League and its local organizations lobbied the Diet and other bodies for cooperation.
The Fourth Sino-Japanese Trade Agreement was signed in March 1958. However, in April of the following year, China insisted on an indefinite extension of its implementation.
The Chinese government tried to get the Japanese government to recognize the People's Republic of China by using the political clauses added to the Third Sino-Japanese Trade Agreement and the Fourth Sino-Japanese Trade Agreement.
In response, the conservative administration of Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi issued a statement saying that Japan had no intention of recognizing China.
Japan-China trade was cut off without realizing China's hopes for establishing diplomatic relations.
The Japan-China Parliamentary League was the only organization that had signed all the Japan-China private trade agreements.
Although trade between Japan and China was temporarily cut off, Zhou Enlai, who keenly felt the need for private trade with Japan, announced the Three Principles of Trade with Japan.
Private trade between Japan and China resumed, but the situation continued where only friendly trading companies selected by the Chinese government could participate in trade.
With the permission of the Chinese Communist Party, pro-China groups monopolized the friendly trading companies, and pro-China business people made a profit.
For pro-China business people, the profit they made without working for it was like a drug.
Japanese companies, dissatisfied with the situation where certain companies were given preferential treatment in China, formed groups in each industry and began doing business with China.
The prototype of the economic coercion that China still uses today can already be seen.
The year after diplomatic relations were established between Japan and China, the Japan-China Parliamentary League for the Promotion of Trade was formed, which later became the Japan-China Parliamentary League for Friendship (1973).
The first president of the league, Aichiro Fujiyama, was first elected to the House of Representatives in the 1958 general election as a Liberal Democratic Party candidate.
As foreign minister, he repeatedly supported and cooperated in promoting Japan-China trade.
In 1971, as the leader of a delegation of the Japan-China Parliamentary League for the Restoration of Diplomatic Relations, Fujiyama signed a joint statement with the People's Republic of China declaring the Japan-Taiwan Treaty null and void.
The LDP punished him for this, as it was considered an act of treason against the state.
Even after retiring from politics, Fujiyama was involved in the conclusion of diplomatic relations between Japan and China.
Japan-China Parliamentary Friendship League
In addition to Fujiyama, the other presidents of the Japan-China Parliamentary Friendship League have been Masayoshi Ito, Yoshiro Hayashi (father of Yoshimasa Hayashi), Masahiko Koumura, Yoshimasa Hayashi, and Toshihiro Nika (current president).
The membership list of the parliamentary group is not made public, but the Diet members who are known to be affiliated with the group are shown in Table 2.
According to the above "Preliminary Survey on the Influence Activities of the Chinese Communist Party in Japan," the LDP's most potent pro-China faction in Japan was the Tanaka/Takeshita (Mogi) faction.
Still, the influence of these factions has been weakening.
Other political groups that may be susceptible to the influence of the Chinese Communist Party include the New Komeito Party, the liberal factions within the LDP (such as the Kouchikai), and the groups within the opposition coalition led by Ichiro Ozawa.
We cannot allow them to continue infiltrating the political world any longer.
The new government needs to pass a counterespionage law immediately.
2024/10/6 in Umeda, Osaka
