以下は今しがた発見した山田宏 自民党参議院議員(全国比例)@yamazogaikuzoのツイートからである。
3月7日
関係者からお聞きしました。
プーチン大統領の「ロシア(クリル諸島)のアイヌを先住民族として保護する」との発言を受けた要望で、ロシアに北海道侵略の口実を与えかねない危険な行為。
又アイヌ団体の中には北朝鮮の主体思想を信奉し、沖縄の独立を謀る活動する団体もあると言う。
国は当然注視している
引用ツイート
山田宏 自民党参議院議員(全国比例)@yamazogaikuzo
3月5日拝見しました。
調べて対応します。
twitter.com/YrvfyM8OeqQSch…1341,8954,905自民党員になって、総理大臣を選ぼう@WAdYlLEZJpY5Gnl
返信先: @yamazogaikuzoさん, @8PzNTKfToK3UsFZさん
山田先生、これが上申書です。
ainupolicy.jimdofree.comウラジーミル・プーチン大統領あての要望書2019年1月11日 ロシア連邦大統領 ウラジーミル・プーチン 閣下 在札幌ロシア連邦総領事館 ファブリーチニコフ・アンドレイ 閣下 モシㇼ コㇽ カムイの会
ウラジーミル・プーチン大統領あての要望書 - アイヌ政策検討市民会議 (jimdofree.com)
Cela équivaut à tirer un coup de feu dans l'obscurité.
Es equivalente a disparar un arma en la oscuridad.
Es ist gleichbedeutend damit, eine Waffe in die Dunkelheit zu schießen.
There must be a Winston Churchill in Japan.
Это равносильно выстрелу из пистолета в темноту.
Equivale a sparare con una pistola nell'oscurità.
É equivalente a disparar uma arma na escuridão.
miserable situation of being made a "make light of" by neighboring countries
Top 10 real-time searches 2022/3/8, 19:39
国民全体が反省し、一日も早く自衛隊の障害を外さなければ、外国に侮られるだけだ。
Cela équivaut à tirer un coup de feu dans l'obscurité.
Japanese people must get out of taking peace for granted.
Es equivalente a disparar un arma en la oscuridad.
自分たちは話し合いで 何か解決したことがあるのか( ‾᷄ω¯ )⁈
Es ist gleichbedeutend damit, eine Waffe in die Dunkelheit zu schießen.
It is equivalent to firing a gun into the darkness.
É equivalente a disparar uma arma na escuridão.
Equivale a sparare con una pistola nell'oscurità.
Это равносильно выстрелу из пистолета в темноту.
以下は今しがた発見した竹内久美子さんのツイートからである
@takeuchikumiffy
天皇制は、共産党用語ですよ。
時間はかかるけど、教育から直していかないとこの国はだめだ。
引用ツイート羽和🇺🇦teamWRFU【DOJ🛡No.0220】@Towa_Yamagata
うちの学校、ウクライナ侵攻で目が覚めた人は多かったけど、天皇制廃止論者が結構いてビックリした。
The following is from an article by Tadae Takubo, professor emeritus at Kyorin University, titled "Jittery diplomacy without a national army" in "Sound Argument," a monthly magazine on sale now with a special feature Japanese people must get out of taking peace for granted.
The emphasis in the text other than the headline is mine.
It is a must-read for the Japanese people and people worldwide.
This paper is the correct theory among the suitable approaches.
Tadae Takubo wrote his whole being paper as a true patriot.
It is a paper that all Japanese citizens should go to their nearest bookstore to subscribe to immediately.
I sincerely hope that my chapter will reach as many Japanese citizens as possible.
I am confident that my translations into other languages will reach the heart of each country.
It is one of the best articles of the 21st century.
You can talk big all you want, but a nation that depends on the U.S. for the basis of its military power is a nation with one lung.
The "light armament and emphasis on the economy" that the Koikekai group led during Japan's high-growth period ultimately shaped the country into what it is today.
The nation consults the U.S. on issues that affect the nation's fate, such as diplomacy and defense. Politicians from both the ruling and opposition parties parrot "strengthening the Japan-U.S. alliance" and "strengthening the deterrent force against China.
Specifically, there is no way to do anything other than increasing defense spending to the extent that it is unclear how effective this will deter China.
There is no other option but the "Japan-U.S. alliance" to decide Japan's fate.
For the United States, which holds our power of life and death, we care about the complexion of the United States each time.
While the U.S. was intervening militarily in Afghanistan and then Iraq, China attempted to change the status quo through force, expanding into the South and East China Seas and making unsettling moves on the border with India.
As Japan occupies a geopolitical position, a kind of fear of causing trouble with this China is likely at work.
China's maneuvering against Japan may also be having an effect.
Japanese diplomacy has become nervous to the extreme.
I wonder if the Japanese government, fed up with South Korea's persistent accusations over the so-called comfort women, conscripts, and the gold mine issue on Sado Island is steadfastly prepared to do something about it.
North Korea has conducted seven missile launch tests this year through January 30.
If Japan were to conduct a missile test in front of its eyes that would put Japan in range, it would simply repeat empty "stern protests" and "violations of UN resolutions."
Japan has no choice but to continue its jittery diplomacy, even though it is right to be nervous about all the countries involved.
The Phantom "Condemnation of China" Resolution
On January 29, the day after it decided to nominate Sado Kinzan to the UNESCO World Heritage list, the local Niigata Nippo newspaper wrote the headline, "A Change of Course from the Consideration of Not Nominating the Sado Gold Mine," on its front page.
The surprise that "postponed" had been changed to "recommended," even though it was not expected, was evident.
The problem is the editorial.
The editorial was reluctant from the outset to address the difficulties that are naturally expected due to South Korea's opposition.
The editorial already expressed sympathy for the Korean side, saying, "We understand the Korean sentiment regarding forced labor, but the recommended Sado Gold Mine dates back to the Edo period.
As the Society for the Study of Issues Related to Historical Recognition (chaired by Tsutomu Nishioka) clearly states in an opinion ad in the same newspaper, 1,519 Korean laborers were mobilized at the Sado Gold Mine two-thirds of these, or 1,000, were "recruited" workers.
The other 500 traveled to Japan either through "government agents" or "conscripts," but these were legal wartime labor mobilizations, and there was no such thing as "forced labor," as the Koreans call it.
Prime Minister Fumio Kishida was initially cautious about the recommendation, but the issue was "reversed" after a "roundabout way," as the headline in the Niigata Nippo grudgingly put it.
Before that, the Japanese government had supposedly made a cabinet decision that "the wartime mobilization of Korean laborers does not constitute 'forced labor' under the Convention on Forced Labor.
It is said that the registration cannot be made as long as there is opposition from the countries concerned, but there is no reason why we should be concerned about any other "opposition" with other intentions.
At the same time, the House of Representatives finally passed the "Resolution on the Serious Human Rights Situation in Xinjiang Uighur and Other Regions" by a majority vote at a plenary session on February 1.
I will not recount the details of how the LDP's original draft ended up with a blurred focus as a result of lengthy adjustments, as reported by various mass media outlets.
However, although the lengthy resolution mentions serious human rights violations, including violations of religious freedom and forced imprisonment in Xinjiang, Tibet, Southern Mongolia, and Hong Kong, it leaves out the subject matter.
It simply states, "The international community has expressed its concern," and then goes on to explain more about the situation.
There is only one place with the subject.
"We recognize that the change in the status quo due to the power symbolized by the serious human rights situation is a threat to the international community, and strongly urge the international community to be accountable for the serious human rights situation. Ask"
It just states that.
Even though the resolution relies on the international community having condemned China by name, there is no "China" or "condemnation," which is the key to the solution.
It is equivalent to firing a gun into the darkness.
The original draft was revised by some pro-China members of the Liberal Democratic Party, who secretly and willingly accepted the unspoken consideration for China by the New Komeito Party.
Komeito has emphasized friendly relations with China since its formation in 1964, but has it considered what its actions mean today?
Japan has been threatened by the China Coast Guard's public vessels that have appeared in the Senkaku Islands since 2012.
The United States, an ally, has entered into a total conflict with China. The premise of democratic countries such as the United States and Europe, including suppressing human rights, has been trampled.
The resolution itself, which tells us that the U.S. is secretly communicating with China, while placing itself in the free world, might not be questioned by the international community, which respects freedom, human rights, and the rule of law.
Cowardice is sometimes necessary for diplomacy, but we must beware of becoming cowardly.
National defense is the executive branch.
The root cause of Japan's jittery diplomacy in the face of the United States, China, Russia, South Korea, and North Korea is that Japan has a different character from these countries.
If one were to ask what the difference is, it is impossible not to answer that Japan does not have a national military force, which, along with diplomacy, should be two wheels of a cart.
It is a pity for the Self-Defense Forces, which are among the most powerful globally, but their postwar history has been a thorny road without any justification.
To put it bluntly, Japan has not given the SDF a place in the nation's military.
Rikio Shikama, a diplomat by training and a leading expert on defense affairs and international law, has long argued this point in his book "National Defense and International Law" (Good Books, Inc.).
Although national defense, which should be the embodiment of sovereignty in any nation, is the fourth power along with the legislative, judicial, and executive branches, the Self-Defense Forces belong to the executive branch.
Its origins date back to the Police Reserve Corps, formed immediately after the Korean War in 1950 to maintain public order and defense.
Two years later, the Police Reserve Corps became the Security Forces, with national defense as its primary duty and police as its secondary duty, and in 1954 it became the Self-Defense Forces.
Since the legal system to be followed is the police legal system, the so-called "positive list" requires the police to follow the law every time.
In other words, national defense, which should be a national institution, has become an administrative institution.
No politician will be outraged if there is any other country like this.
Mr. Shikama lists three differences between the military and the police.
As noted to the right, the first is that the military is an autonomous professional group that maintains a certain distance from the authority of the time. At the same time, the police is an administrative body and are, therefore, the government itself.
The second is a fundamental difference in the way authority is defined.
The police have a positive list of powers, while the military has a negative list of management, in that they are free to act as they please as long as they do not fall under the list of prohibited actions.
Third, while the police are engaged in work within the realm of the state, the military directs its functions to other countries for national defense.
How much effort has been expended to make the SDF what it is today, a de facto military force, under the strict framework of the police legal system under the current Constitution?
If the entire nation does not reflect on this and remove the obstacles to the SDF as soon as possible, it will only be underestimated by foreign countries.
I say this because I happened to be in the same year as the first and second students of the National Defense University and had some friends with them. Still, I can tell you how many Japanese proudly called themselves "tax cheats" and other such disrespectful terms during their student or active duty years.
In 1978, before it enacted the contingency legislation, Hiroomi Kurisu, then chairman of the Joint Staff Office, simply said, "If a third country attacks, the Self-Defense Forces will have to flee or take extrajudicial measures." At that time, Shin Kanemaru, the Secretary of the Defense Agency, dismissed Mr. Kurisu.
The strong, calm Mr. Kurisu stated that he was resigning because his views did not agree with the Secretary of Defense.
Public opinion and the LDP chorused "civilian control," and section chief of the Internal Bureau put his foot on his desk and said gleefully, "I was the one who cut Kurisu.
There was little public criticism of this.
An excellent example of "civilian control" was the dismissal of General MacArthur in 1951.
General MacArthur, nominated as a presidential candidate and had tremendous authority, advocated total victory and clashed with President Truman, who wanted to keep the war on the Korean Peninsula.
The President dismissed the General following civilian control.
The Chairman of the Joint Staff Office, Kurisu, is a member of the Joint Staff Office and has only stated the truth.
How much authority did Mr. Kurisu have compared to MacArthur?
It was 25 years after this incident that the emergency law was enacted.
Who is it that has been hurting the Self-Defense Forces so much by comparing them to a prewar army and making noises about violations of civilian control and "exclusive defense"?
It is said that the control of the SDF by the Defense Agency's internal bureaus, which was at one time terrible, has been largely corrected.
However, suppose Japan does not bring its political-military relations on par with other countries. In that case, it will continue to be in the miserable situation of being made a "make light of" by neighboring countries.
Outdated Economy-First Principle
Although it is too late to dwell on it now, the emphasis on the economy and the national aversion to the military are probably the main reasons for today's jittery diplomacy.
After reading Prime Minister Kishida's two books, "Kishida Vision: From Division to Cooperation" and "A World Without Nuclear Weapons: The Aspirations of a Courageous Peaceful Nation," I was surprised to find the similarity with "Gendai to Senryaku" (Modern Times and Strategy) written by Yonosuke Nagai, a professor at the Tokyo Institute of Technology in 1985.
In Nagai's opinion, the emphasis on the economy and avoidance of the military leads halfway inevitably toward a "lightly armed, economically powerful nation.
In the high-growth era, during the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union, we have been immersing ourselves in the nuclear umbrella of the United States and advocating pacifism.
It was an era when the internal subdivision was keeping an eye on the SDF, which was in charge of defense rather than its own country.
It was a time when the Self-Defense Forces seemed to be the "enemy" of Japan rather than how to deal with foreign enemies.
Although it seems to have almost disappeared by now, the vice-ministers and chief cabinet secretaries of the Defense Agency were all seconded from the former Ministry of Home Affairs, the National Police Agency, the Ministry of Finance, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
A human who will return to his office in a few years cannot be dying for defense.
Professor Nagai explains what the feelings of the government and the people were.
"If Japan had embarked on its military industry and arms exports in 1951 under the auspices of the U.S. Mutual Assistance Agreement (MSA), the economic miracle of today would not have been possible. The mainline conservative economic rationalism of Yoshida-Ikeda-Miyazawa and the balanced budget policy of the Ministry of Finance and the mainstream business community, especially the banking and financial circles, were responsible for holding back this sweet temptation at the water's edge and were supported by the Socialist Party and other opposition forces, and above all by the anti-military and pacifist sentiment of the people. It can say that all of these were rooted in the self-experience and wisdom of the people who were defeated by the blood and tears."
In the heyday of money, money, money, I interviewed people in the business world for a magazine project. Both Yoshishige Ashihara of the Kansai Zaikai and Takeshi Sakurada of the Tokyo Zaikai said, "Now is the time to think about increasing military power in a time of peace. I will think of the funds myself," they said boldly.
Economic emphasis may be revived as a new "Yoshida Doctrine" that should have become a ghost under the Kishida administration.
We should not underestimate the global trend that has increased the likelihood of war among the major powers.
Enhancing national defense is not simply a matter of increasing the budget.
Instead, it is more a matter of repeating the empty phrase "strengthening the Japan-U.S. alliance," and there is a sense that Japan as a whole has fallen into a kind of mannerism that takes its dependence on the U.S. for granted.
Deep down, the Japanese people are confident that if push comes to shove, the U.S., with its Japan-U.S. alliance, will do something about it.
When it comes to the Senkaku Islands, they simply beg the U.S. to apply Article 5 of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.
When the U.S. withdrew from Afghanistan last year, President Biden made it clear that he had no use for a country that had no intention of defending itself.
How can Japan be considered an exception?
When the Republicans win the presidential election in two years, and former President Trump or someone with similar views comes to the White House, we must be prepared for him to say that the Japan-U.S. security relationship is too one-sided.
If the U.S. pulls out even a portion of its troops in Japan, some forces may turn blue and try to cry to China.
I recall quite a few of my acquaintances who are former employees of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) who proudly proclaimed during the era of rapid economic growth that "The future is the era of diplomacy" by Shigeru Yoshida right after the defeat of Japan.
If he really said that, Yoshida was not as clever a politician as his popular reputation suggests.
The military is an extension of politics, not to mention Clausewitz, and military and diplomacy are two wheels of a car for the nation.
Suppose Japan does not correct its current deformity by building an army that is not ashamed of being a nation, abandoning the delusion of the "Yoshida Doctrine" of an economy-first policy, and creating a well-balanced nation. In that case, its jittery diplomacy will continue unabated.
If we do not correct the current deformity by creating a balanced nation, our jittery diplomacy will continue unabated.
The fact that not a few LDP lawmakers are highly reluctant to discuss the revision of the Constitution before the Upper House election clearly shows that they are not seriously engaged in the revision of the Constitution.
We sincerely await the arrival of politicians with an eye on the times.
There must be a Winston Churchill in Japan.
The following is from an article by Tadae Takubo, professor emeritus at Kyorin University, titled "Jittery diplomacy without a national army" in "Sound Argument," a monthly magazine on sale now with a special feature Japanese people must get out of taking peace for granted.
The emphasis in the text other than the headline is mine.
It is a must-read for the Japanese people and people worldwide.
This paper is the correct theory among the suitable approaches.
Tadae Takubo wrote his whole being paper as a true patriot.
It is a paper that all Japanese citizens should go to their nearest bookstore to subscribe to immediately.
I sincerely hope that my chapter will reach as many Japanese citizens as possible.
I am confident that my translations into other languages will reach the heart of each country.
It is one of the best articles of the 21st century.
You can talk big all you want, but a nation that depends on the U.S. for the basis of its military power is a nation with one lung.
The "light armament and emphasis on the economy" that the Koikekai group led during Japan's high-growth period ultimately shaped the country into what it is today.
The nation consults the U.S. on issues that affect the nation's fate, such as diplomacy and defense. Politicians from both the ruling and opposition parties parrot "strengthening the Japan-U.S. alliance" and "strengthening the deterrent force against China.
Specifically, there is no way to do anything other than increasing defense spending to the extent that it is unclear how effective this will deter China.
There is no other option but the "Japan-U.S. alliance" to decide Japan's fate.
For the United States, which holds our power of life and death, we care about the complexion of the United States each time.
While the U.S. was intervening militarily in Afghanistan and then Iraq, China attempted to change the status quo through force, expanding into the South and East China Seas and making unsettling moves on the border with India.
As Japan occupies a geopolitical position, a kind of fear of causing trouble with this China is likely at work.
China's maneuvering against Japan may also be having an effect.
Japanese diplomacy has become nervous to the extreme.
I wonder if the Japanese government, fed up with South Korea's persistent accusations over the so-called comfort women, conscripts, and the gold mine issue on Sado Island is steadfastly prepared to do something about it.
North Korea has conducted seven missile launch tests this year through January 30.
If Japan were to conduct a missile test in front of its eyes that would put Japan in range, it would simply repeat empty "stern protests" and "violations of UN resolutions."
Japan has no choice but to continue its jittery diplomacy, even though it is right to be nervous about all the countries involved.
The Phantom "Condemnation of China" Resolution
On January 29, the day after it decided to nominate Sado Kinzan to the UNESCO World Heritage list, the local Niigata Nippo newspaper wrote the headline, "A Change of Course from the Consideration of Not Nominating the Sado Gold Mine," on its front page.
The surprise that "postponed" had been changed to "recommended," even though it was not expected, was evident.
The problem is the editorial.
The editorial was reluctant from the outset to address the difficulties that are naturally expected due to South Korea's opposition.
The editorial already expressed sympathy for the Korean side, saying, "We understand the Korean sentiment regarding forced labor, but the recommended Sado Gold Mine dates back to the Edo period.
As the Society for the Study of Issues Related to Historical Recognition (chaired by Tsutomu Nishioka) clearly states in an opinion ad in the same newspaper, 1,519 Korean laborers were mobilized at the Sado Gold Mine two-thirds of these, or 1,000, were "recruited" workers.
The other 500 traveled to Japan either through "government agents" or "conscripts," but these were legal wartime labor mobilizations, and there was no such thing as "forced labor," as the Koreans call it.
Prime Minister Fumio Kishida was initially cautious about the recommendation, but the issue was "reversed" after a "roundabout way," as the headline in the Niigata Nippo grudgingly put it.
Before that, the Japanese government had supposedly made a cabinet decision that "the wartime mobilization of Korean laborers does not constitute 'forced labor' under the Convention on Forced Labor.
It is said that the registration cannot be made as long as there is opposition from the countries concerned, but there is no reason why we should be concerned about any other "opposition" with other intentions.
At the same time, the House of Representatives finally passed the "Resolution on the Serious Human Rights Situation in Xinjiang Uighur and Other Regions" by a majority vote at a plenary session on February 1.
I will not recount the details of how the LDP's original draft ended up with a blurred focus as a result of lengthy adjustments, as reported by various mass media outlets.
However, although the lengthy resolution mentions serious human rights violations, including violations of religious freedom and forced imprisonment in Xinjiang, Tibet, Southern Mongolia, and Hong Kong, it leaves out the subject matter.
It simply states, "The international community has expressed its concern," and then goes on to explain more about the situation.
There is only one place with the subject.
"We recognize that the change in the status quo due to the power symbolized by the serious human rights situation is a threat to the international community, and strongly urge the international community to be accountable for the serious human rights situation. Ask"
It just states that.
Even though the resolution relies on the international community having condemned China by name, there is no "China" or "condemnation," which is the key to the solution.
It is equivalent to firing a gun into the darkness.
The original draft was revised by some pro-China members of the Liberal Democratic Party, who secretly and willingly accepted the unspoken consideration for China by the New Komeito Party.
Komeito has emphasized friendly relations with China since its formation in 1964, but has it considered what its actions mean today?
Japan has been threatened by the China Coast Guard's public vessels that have appeared in the Senkaku Islands since 2012.
The United States, an ally, has entered into a total conflict with China. The premise of democratic countries such as the United States and Europe, including suppressing human rights, has been trampled.
The resolution itself, which tells us that the U.S. is secretly communicating with China, while placing itself in the free world, might not be questioned by the international community, which respects freedom, human rights, and the rule of law.
Cowardice is sometimes necessary for diplomacy, but we must beware of becoming cowardly.
National defense is the executive branch.
The root cause of Japan's jittery diplomacy in the face of the United States, China, Russia, South Korea, and North Korea is that Japan has a different character from these countries.
If one were to ask what the difference is, it is impossible not to answer that Japan does not have a national military force, which, along with diplomacy, should be two wheels of a cart.
It is a pity for the Self-Defense Forces, which are among the most powerful globally, but their postwar history has been a thorny road without any justification.
To put it bluntly, Japan has not given the SDF a place in the nation's military.
Rikio Shikama, a diplomat by training and a leading expert on defense affairs and international law, has long argued this point in his book "National Defense and International Law" (Good Books, Inc.).
Although national defense, which should be the embodiment of sovereignty in any nation, is the fourth power along with the legislative, judicial, and executive branches, the Self-Defense Forces belong to the executive branch.
Its origins date back to the Police Reserve Corps, formed immediately after the Korean War in 1950 to maintain public order and defense.
Two years later, the Police Reserve Corps became the Security Forces, with national defense as its primary duty and police as its secondary duty, and in 1954 it became the Self-Defense Forces.
Since the legal system to be followed is the police legal system, the so-called "positive list" requires the police to follow the law every time.
In other words, national defense, which should be a national institution, has become an administrative institution.
No politician will be outraged if there is any other country like this.
Mr. Shikama lists three differences between the military and the police.
As noted to the right, the first is that the military is an autonomous professional group that maintains a certain distance from the authority of the time. At the same time, the police is an administrative body and are, therefore, the government itself.
The second is a fundamental difference in the way authority is defined.
The police have a positive list of powers, while the military has a negative list of management, in that they are free to act as they please as long as they do not fall under the list of prohibited actions.
Third, while the police are engaged in work within the realm of the state, the military directs its functions to other countries for national defense.
How much effort has been expended to make the SDF what it is today, a de facto military force, under the strict framework of the police legal system under the current Constitution?
If the entire nation does not reflect on this and remove the obstacles to the SDF as soon as possible, it will only be underestimated by foreign countries.
I say this because I happened to be in the same year as the first and second students of the National Defense University and had some friends with them. Still, I can tell you how many Japanese proudly called themselves "tax cheats" and other such disrespectful terms during their student or active duty years.
In 1978, before it enacted the contingency legislation, Hiroomi Kurisu, then chairman of the Joint Staff Office, simply said, "If a third country attacks, the Self-Defense Forces will have to flee or take extrajudicial measures." At that time, Shin Kanemaru, the Secretary of the Defense Agency, dismissed Mr. Kurisu.
The strong, calm Mr. Kurisu stated that he was resigning because his views did not agree with the Secretary of Defense.
Public opinion and the LDP chorused "civilian control," and section chief of the Internal Bureau put his foot on his desk and said gleefully, "I was the one who cut Kurisu.
There was little public criticism of this.
An excellent example of "civilian control" was the dismissal of General MacArthur in 1951.
General MacArthur, nominated as a presidential candidate and had tremendous authority, advocated total victory and clashed with President Truman, who wanted to keep the war on the Korean Peninsula.
The President dismissed the General following civilian control.
The Chairman of the Joint Staff Office, Kurisu, is a member of the Joint Staff Office and has only stated the truth.
How much authority did Mr. Kurisu have compared to MacArthur?
It was 25 years after this incident that the emergency law was enacted.
Who is it that has been hurting the Self-Defense Forces so much by comparing them to a prewar army and making noises about violations of civilian control and "exclusive defense"?
It is said that the control of the SDF by the Defense Agency's internal bureaus, which was at one time terrible, has been largely corrected.
However, suppose Japan does not bring its political-military relations on par with other countries. In that case, it will continue to be in the miserable situation of being made a "make light of" by neighboring countries.
以下是日本慶林大學名譽教授卓保忠江在《Sound Argument》月刊上發表的一篇題為《沒有國家軍隊的緊張外交》的文章，其中有日本人必須擺脫和平的特刊。的確。
除了標題之外，文本中的重點是我的。
它是日本人民和世界人民的必讀之書。
本文是合適方法中的正確理論。
Tadae Takubo 將他的整個生命都寫成了真正的愛國者。
這是一份所有日本公民都應該立即去就近的書店訂閱的報紙。
我真誠地希望我的分會能夠接觸到盡可能多的日本公民。
我相信我的其他語言的翻譯會到達每個國家的心臟。
它是 21 世紀最好的文章之一。
你可以隨心所欲地誇誇其談，但一個依賴美國作為其軍事力量基礎的國家是一個有肺的國家。
小池會集團在日本高增長時期領導的“輕武器和重經濟”最終塑造了這個國家成為今天的樣子。
該國就外交和國防等影響國家命運的問題與美國進行磋商。執政黨和在野黨政客都鸚鵡學舌地“加強日美同盟”和“加強對中國的威懾力”。
具體來說，除了增加國防開支外，別無他法，因為尚不清楚這將如何有效地威懾中國。
除了“日美同盟”來決定日本的命運，別無選擇。
對於掌握著我們生死大權的美國，我們每時每刻都關心美國的臉色。
在美國對阿富汗和伊拉克進行軍事干預的同時，中國試圖通過武力改變現狀，向南海和東海擴張，並在與印度的邊界上採取令人不安的舉動。
由於日本佔據地緣政治地位，一種對與中國製造麻煩的恐懼很可能在起作用。
中國對日本的策略也可能產生影響。
日本外交緊張到了極點。
不知道日本政府是否厭倦了韓國對所謂的慰安婦、徵兵和佐渡島金礦問題的持續指責，是否堅定地準備對此採取行動。
今年截至1月30日，朝鮮已經進行了七次導彈試射。
如果日本要在其眼前進行導彈試驗，將日本置於射程之內，它只會重複空洞的“嚴厲抗議”和“違反聯合國決議”。
日本別無選擇，只能繼續緊張不安的外交，儘管對所有相關國家感到緊張是正確的。
幻影“定罪”決議
1 月 29 日，在決定將佐渡金山列入聯合國教科文組織世界遺產名錄的第二天，當地的新潟日本報紙在其頭版寫了標題“從不提名佐渡金礦的考慮中改變路線”。 .
“推遲”被改為“推薦”，儘管這並不出乎意料，但令人驚訝的是顯而易見的。
問題在於社論。
社論從一開始就不願解決由於韓國反對而自然預料到的困難。
社論已經對韓方表示了同情，稱“我們理解韓國對強迫勞動的情緒，但推薦的佐渡金礦可以追溯到江戶時代。
正如歷史承認相關問題研究會（由西岡勉擔任主席）在同一份報紙的一則輿論廣告中明確指出的那樣，在佐渡金礦動員了 1,519 名韓國勞工，其中三分之二，即 1,000 人，是“招聘”的工人。
另外 500 人通過“政府代理人”或“應徵入伍者”前往日本，但這些都是合法的戰時勞工動員，沒有韓國人所說的“強迫勞動”。
岸田文雄首相最初對這一建議持謹慎態度，但正如《新潟日本報》的標題勉強說的那樣，這個問題在“迂迴”後被“逆轉”。
在此之前，日本政府據推測已做出內閣決定，“朝鮮勞工的戰時動員不構成《強迫勞動公約》規定的‘強迫勞動’。
據說只要有關國家有反對，就不能登記，但我們沒有理由擔心任何其他意圖的“反對”。
與此同時，眾議院最終在2月1日的全體會議上以多數票通過了《關於新疆維吾爾族等地區嚴重人權狀況的決議》。
我不會詳細說明自民黨的初稿是如何最終導致焦點模糊的正如各種大眾媒體報導的那樣，進行了長時間的調整。
然而，雖然冗長的決議提到了嚴重的侵犯人權行為，包括在新疆、西藏、南蒙古和香港對宗教自由的侵犯和強制監禁，但它卻忽略了主題。
它只是說，“國際社會已經表達了它的擔憂”，然後繼續解釋更多有關情況。
主題只有一處。
“我們認識到，以嚴重的人權狀況為像徵的權力所導致的現狀變化是對國際社會的威脅，強烈敦促國際社會對嚴重的人權狀況負責。詢問”
它只是說明了這一點。
儘管該決議依賴於國際社會點名譴責中國，但沒有“中國”或“譴責”，這是解決問題的關鍵。
這相當於向黑暗中開槍。
原稿是自民黨部分親華黨員修改的，他們暗中自願接受了新公明黨對中國的不言而喻的考慮。
公明黨自 1964 年成立以來一直強調與中國的友好關係，但它是否考慮過它今天的行動意味著什麼？
自 2012 年以來，日本一直受到中國海岸警衛隊公共船隻的威脅，這些船隻出現在尖閣諸島。
作為盟友的美國與中國發生了全面衝突。美歐等民主國家的前提，包括壓制人權，都被踐踏了。
決議本身告訴我們，美國在與中國秘密溝通的同時，將自己置於自由世界中，可能不會受到尊重自由、人權和法治的國際社會的質疑。
怯懦有時是外交的必要條件，但我們必須謹防變得懦弱。
本文繼續。
以下是日本庆林大学名誉教授卓保忠江在《Sound Argument》月刊上发表的一篇题为《没有国家军队的紧张外交》的文章，其中有日本人必须摆脱和平的特刊。的确。
除了标题之外，文本中的重点是我的。
它是日本人民和世界人民的必读之书。
本文是合适方法中的正确理论。
Tadae Takubo 将他的整个生命都写成了真正的爱国者。
这是一份所有日本公民都应该立即去就近的书店订阅的报纸。
我真诚地希望我的分会能够接触到尽可能多的日本公民。
我相信我的其他语言的翻译会到达每个国家的心脏。
它是 21 世纪最好的文章之一。
你可以随心所欲地夸夸其谈，但一个依赖美国作为其军事力量基础的国家是一个有肺的国家。
小池会集团在日本高增长时期领导的“轻武器和重经济”最终塑造了这个国家成为今天的样子。
该国就外交和国防等影响国家命运的问题与美国进行磋商。执政党和在野党政客都鹦鹉学舌地“加强日美同盟”和“加强对中国的威慑力”。
具体来说，除了增加国防开支外，别无他法，因为尚不清楚这将如何有效地威慑中国。
除了“日美同盟”来决定日本的命运，别无选择。
对于掌握着我们生死大权的美国，我们每时每刻都关心美国的脸色。
在美国对阿富汗和伊拉克进行军事干预的同时，中国试图通过武力改变现状，向南海和东海扩张，并在与印度的边界上采取令人不安的举动。
由于日本占据地缘政治地位，一种对与中国制造麻烦的恐惧很可能在起作用。
中国对日本的策略也可能产生影响。
日本外交紧张到了极点。
不知道日本政府是否厌倦了韩国对所谓的慰安妇、征兵和佐渡岛金矿问题的持续指责，是否坚定地准备对此采取行动。
今年截至1月30日，朝鲜已经进行了七次导弹试射。
如果日本要在其眼前进行导弹试验，将日本置于射程之内，它只会重复空洞的“严厉抗议”和“违反联合国决议”。
日本别无选择，只能继续紧张不安的外交，尽管对所有相关国家感到紧张是正确的。
幻影“定罪”决议
1 月 29 日，在决定将佐渡金山列入联合国教科文组织世界遗产名录的第二天，当地的新泻日本报纸在其头版写了标题“从不提名佐渡金矿的考虑中改变路线”。 .
“推迟”被改为“推荐”，尽管这并不出乎意料，但令人惊讶的是显而易见的。
问题在于社论。
社论从一开始就不愿解决由于韩国反对而自然预料到的困难。
社论已经对韩方表示了同情，称“我们理解韩国对强迫劳动的情绪，但推荐的佐渡金矿可以追溯到江户时代。
正如历史承认问题研究会（由西冈勉担任会长）在同一份报纸的一则舆论广告中明确指出的那样，在佐渡金矿动员了 1,519 名韩国劳工，其中三分之二，即 1,000 人是“招聘”的工人。
另外 500 人通过“政府代理人”或“应征入伍者”前往日本，但这些都是合法的战时劳工动员，没有韩国人所说的“强迫劳动”。
岸田文雄首相最初对这一建议持谨慎态度，但正如《新泻日本报》的标题勉强说的那样，这个问题在“迂回”后被“逆转”。
在此之前，日本政府据推测已做出内阁决定，“朝鲜劳工的战时动员不构成《强迫劳动公约》规定的‘强迫劳动’。
据说只要有关国家有反对，就不能登记，但我们没有理由担心任何其他意图的“反对”。
与此同时，众议院最终在2月1日的全体会议上以多数票通过了《关于新疆维吾尔族等地区严重人权状况的决议》。
我不会详细说明自民党的初稿是如何最终导致焦点模糊的正如各种大众媒体报道的那样，进行了长时间的调整。
然而，虽然冗长的决议提到了严重的侵犯人权行为，包括在新疆、西藏、南蒙古和香港对宗教自由的侵犯和强制监禁，但它却忽略了主题。
它只是说，“国际社会已经表达了它的担忧”，然后继续解释更多有关情况。
主题只有一处。
“我们认识到，以严重人权局势为象征的权力所导致的现状变化是对国际社会的威胁，强烈敦促国际社会对严重的人权局势负责。询问”
它只是说明了这一点。
尽管该决议依赖于国际社会点名谴责中国，但没有“中国”或“谴责”，这是解决问题的关键。
这相当于向黑暗中开枪。
原稿是自民党部分亲华党员修改的，他们暗中自愿接受了新公明党对中国的不言而喻的考虑。
公明党自 1964 年成立以来一直强调与中国的友好关系，但它是否考虑过它今天的行动意味着什么？
自 2012 年以来，日本一直受到中国海岸警卫队公共船只的威胁，这些船只出现在尖阁诸岛。
作为盟友的美国与中国发生了全面冲突。美欧等民主国家的前提，包括压制人权，都被践踏了。
决议本身告诉我们，美国在与中国秘密沟通的同时，将自己置于自由世界中，可能不会受到尊重自由、人权和法治的国际社会的质疑。
怯懦有时是外交的必要条件，但我们必须谨防变得懦弱。
本文继续。
다음은 일본 국민이 평화에서 벗어나야 할 특집으로 현재 판매되고 있는 월간지 "Sound Argument"에서 교린대학교 명예교수 다다에 타쿠보(Tadae Takubo)가 "국군 없는 불안한 외교"라는 제목의 기사에서 가져온 것입니다. 부여 된.
헤드라인 이외의 텍스트에서 강조점은 제 것입니다.
일본 국민과 전 세계인이 반드시 읽어야 할 필독서입니다.
이 논문은 적합한 접근법 중 올바른 이론이다.
Takubo Tadae는 진정한 애국자로서 자신의 모든 것을 종이로 썼습니다.
일본 국민이라면 누구나 가까운 서점에 가서 바로 구독해야 하는 신문입니다.
제 챕터가 가능한 한 많은 일본 시민에게 닿기를 진심으로 바랍니다.
다른 언어로의 번역이 각 나라의 심장에 닿을 것이라고 확신합니다.
21세기 최고의 기사 중 하나입니다.
거창하게 말할 수 있지만 군사력 기반을 미국에 의존하는 나라는 폐가 있는 나라다.
고이케카이 그룹이 일본의 고도 성장기에 주도한 "경량 무장과 경제 강조"가 궁극적으로 오늘날의 나라를 형성했습니다.
국가는 외교, 국방 등 국가의 운명에 영향을 미치는 문제에 대해 미국과 협의한다. 여당과 야당의 정치인들은 "일미동맹 강화"와 "중국에 대한 억제력 강화"를 앵무새로 삼고 있다.
구체적으로 중국을 얼마나 억제할 수 있을지 불분명할 정도로 국방비를 늘리는 것 외에는 달리 할 도리가 없다.
일본의 운명을 결정할 '일미동맹' 외에는 선택지가 없다.
우리의 삶과 죽음의 권력을 쥐고 있는 미국을 위해 우리는 매번 미국의 안색을 걱정한다.
미국이 아프가니스탄에 이어 이라크에 군사적으로 개입하는 동안 중국은 남중국해와 동중국해로 영토를 확대하고 인도 접경 지역에서 불안한 움직임을 보이며 무력으로 현상태를 바꾸려 했다.
일본이 지정학적 위치를 차지하고 있기 때문에 중국에 문제를 일으키지 않을까 하는 일종의 두려움이 작용할 가능성이 있다.
일본에 대한 중국의 기동도 영향을 미칠 수 있다.
일본 외교가 극도로 긴장하고 있다.
이른바 위안부·징병·사도 금광 문제에 대한 한국의 집요한 비난에 질린 일본 정부가 이에 대해 단호하게 대처할 준비가 되어 있는지 궁금하다.
북한은 올해 1월 30일까지 7차례의 미사일 발사 시험을 했다.
일본이 눈앞에서 일본을 사정거리 안에 집어넣는 미사일 시험발사를 한다면, 공허한 '강렬한 항의'와 '유엔 결의 위반'만 반복할 뿐이다.
일본은 모든 관련국에 대해 긴장하는 것이 옳으면서도 불안한 외교를 계속할 수밖에 없다.
팬텀 '중국 규탄' 결의안
사도킨잔을 유네스코 세계유산으로 지정하기로 결정한 다음 날인 1월 29일, 니가타 닛포 지역 신문은 1면에 "사도 금광 등재를 고려하지 않은 방향의 변화"라는 헤드라인을 썼다. .
예상하지 못한 일임에도 '연기'가 '권고'로 바뀐 점은 의외였다.
문제는 편집이다.
사설은 처음부터 남한의 반대로 인해 자연스럽게 예상되는 어려움을 다루기를 꺼렸다.
사설은 이미 한국측에 대해 "강제동원에 대한 한국의 심정은 이해하지만 추천한 사도 금광은 에도 시대로 거슬러 올라간다.
역사인식문제연구회(회장 니시오카 쓰토무)가 같은 신문의 한 논평에서 분명히 밝힌 바와 같이 사도 금광에 동원된 한국인 노동자는 1,519명으로 이 중 2/3인 1,000명이 " 직원"을 모집합니다.
나머지 500명은 '정부 요원'이나 '징집병'을 통해 일본으로 갔지만, 이들은 합법적인 전시 노동 동원이었고 한국인이 부르는 '강제 노동' 같은 것은 없었다.
기시다 후미오 총리는 처음에 이 권고에 대해 조심스러웠지만, 니가타 닛포의 헤드라인이 마지못해 표현한 것처럼 문제는 "회전교차" 후에 "반전"되었습니다.
앞서 일본 정부는 "한국인 노동자의 전시동원은 강제노동에 관한 협약에 따른 '강제노동'에 해당하지 않는다"는 내각 결정을 내린 것으로 알려졌다.
해당 국가의 반대가 있는 한 등록을 할 수 없다고 하는데, 다른 의도로 다른 '반대'를 우려할 이유가 없다.
동시에 하원은 2월 1일 본회의에서 '신장 위구르 및 기타 지역의 심각한 인권 상황에 대한 결의안'을 과반수 찬성으로 통과시켰다.
자민당의 원래 초안이 결과적으로 초점이 흐려진 방법에 대한 자세한 내용은 언급하지 않겠습니다.다양한 언론 매체에서 보도한 바와 같이 장기간의 조정이 필요합니다.
그러나 장문의 결의안은 종교의 자유 침해와 신장, 티베트, 남몽골, 홍콩에서의 강제 수감 등 심각한 인권 침해에 대해 언급하고 있지만 주제는 생략하고 있다.
단순히 "국제사회가 우려를 표명했다"고 말한 뒤 상황에 대해 자세히 설명했다.
주제가 있는 곳은 단 한 곳뿐입니다.
"우리는 심각한 인권 상황이 상징하는 힘으로 인한 현상 유지의 변화가 국제 사회에 대한 위협임을 인식하고, 심각한 인권 상황에 대해 국제 사회에 책임을 질 것을 강력히 촉구합니다."
그것은 단지 그것을 진술합니다.
결의안은 국제사회가 중국을 이름으로 규탄하는 데 의존하고 있지만 해법의 핵심인 '중국'이나 '규탄'은 없다.
어둠 속으로 총을 쏘는 것과 같다.
원래 초안은 신공명당이 중국에 대한 무언의 배려를 비밀리에 기꺼이 수용한 자민당의 친중파 의원들에 의해 수정되었습니다.
코메이토는 1964년 창건 이후 중국과의 우호관계를 강조해왔지만 오늘날 그 행동이 무엇을 의미하는지 생각해 보았는가?
일본은 2012년부터 센카쿠 열도에 출항한 중국 해안경비대의 공공선에 위협을 받고 있다.
동맹국인 미국은 중국과 전면전을 벌이고 있다. 인권을 탄압하는 등 미국, 유럽 등 민주주의 국가의 전제가 짓밟혔다.
미국이 자유세계에 속해 있으면서 중국과 은밀히 소통하고 있다는 결의안 자체는 자유와 인권, 법치를 존중하는 국제사회에서 의문을 제기하지 않을 수도 있다.
외교에는 비겁함이 필요할 때도 있지만 비겁해지지 않도록 조심해야 합니다.
이 기사는 계속됩니다.
Ниже приводится статья Тадаэ Такубо, почетного профессора Университета Кёрин, озаглавленная «Беспокойная дипломатия без национальной армии» в ежемесячном журнале «Здравый аргумент», который сейчас продается, со специальной статьей, в которой японцы должны отказаться от мира ради предоставляется.
Акцент в тексте кроме заголовка мой.
Это обязательное чтение для японцев и людей во всем мире.
Эта статья является правильной теорией среди подходящих подходов.
Тадаэ Такубо написал всю свою жизнь как настоящий патриот.
Это газета, на которую все японские граждане должны немедленно подписаться в ближайшем книжном магазине.
Я искренне надеюсь, что моя глава достигнет как можно большего числа граждан Японии.
Я уверен, что мои переводы на другие языки дойдут до сердца каждой страны.
Это одна из лучших статей 21 века.
Вы можете говорить о чем угодно, но нация, которая зависит от США как основы своей военной мощи, — это нация с одним легким.
«Легкое вооружение и упор на экономику», которыми руководила группа Койкекай в период быстрого роста Японии, в конечном итоге превратили страну в то, чем она является сегодня.
Нация консультируется с США по вопросам, влияющим на судьбу нации, таким как дипломатия и оборона. Политики как из правящей, так и из оппозиционной партии, как попугаи, повторяют «укрепление японо-американского союза» и «укрепление сдерживающей силы против Китая».
В частности, нет другого способа сделать что-либо, кроме увеличения расходов на оборону до такой степени, что неясно, насколько эффективно это будет сдерживать Китай.
Нет другого варианта, кроме «японо-американского союза», чтобы решить судьбу Японии.
Для Соединенных Штатов, которые держат нашу власть над жизнью и смертью, мы каждый раз заботимся о цвете лица Соединенных Штатов.
В то время как США осуществляли военное вмешательство в Афганистан, а затем в Ирак, Китай пытался изменить статус-кво с помощью силы, расширяясь в Южное и Восточно-Китайское моря и предпринимая тревожные действия на границе с Индией.
Поскольку Япония занимает геополитическое положение, вероятно, действует своего рода страх вызвать проблемы с этим Китаем.
Маневрирование Китая против Японии также может иметь эффект.
Японская дипломатия занервничала до крайности.
Интересно, готово ли японское правительство, сытое по горло настойчивыми обвинениями Южной Кореи в отношении так называемых женщин для утех, призывников и проблемы с золотым прииском на острове Садо, что-то делать с этим?
В этом году Северная Корея провела семь запусков ракет до 30 января.
Если бы Япония провела на ее глазах ракетные испытания, которые поставили бы Японию в зону досягаемости, она просто повторила бы пустые «решительные протесты» и «нарушения резолюций ООН».
У Японии нет иного выбора, кроме как продолжать нервную дипломатию, хотя она и вправе нервничать по поводу всех вовлеченных в нее стран.
Фантомная резолюция «Осуждение Китая»
29 января, на следующий день после того, как было принято решение о включении Садо Киндзан в список всемирного наследия ЮНЕСКО, местная газета «Ниигата Ниппо» опубликовала на своей первой полосе заголовок «Изменение курса после рассмотрения вопроса об отказе от номинации золотого рудника Садо». .
Удивление от того, что «отложено» было изменено на «рекомендовано», было очевидным, хотя этого и не ожидалось.
Проблема в редакции.
Редакция с самого начала не хотела решать трудности, которые, естественно, ожидаются из-за противодействия Южной Кореи.
Редакционная статья уже выразила сочувствие корейской стороне, заявив: «Мы понимаем отношение корейцев к принудительному труду, но рекомендуемый золотой рудник Садо восходит к периоду Эдо.
Как ясно заявляет Общество по изучению проблем, связанных с историческим признанием (под председательством Цутому Нисиока) в объявлении, опубликованном в той же газете, на золотом руднике Садо было мобилизовано 1519 корейских рабочих, две трети из них, или 1000, были « набрал" рабочих.
Остальные 500 отправились в Японию либо через «правительственных агентов», либо через «призывников», но это были законные трудовые мобилизации военного времени, и не было такого понятия, как «принудительный труд», как его называют корейцы.
Премьер-министр Фумио Кисида сначала был осторожен в отношении рекомендации, но вопрос был «обратным» после «окольного пути», как неохотно выразился заголовок в Niigata Nippo.
До этого японское правительство якобы приняло решение кабинета министров о том, что «мобилизация корейских рабочих во время войны не является «принудительным трудом» в соответствии с Конвенцией о принудительном труде.
Говорят, что регистрация не может быть произведена до тех пор, пока есть противодействие со стороны заинтересованных стран, но нет причин, по которым мы должны беспокоиться о любой другой «оппозиции» с другими намерениями.
В то же время Палата представителей, наконец, приняла «Резолюцию о серьезной ситуации с правами человека в Синьцзян-Уйгурском и других регионах» большинством голосов на пленарном заседании 1 февраля.
Я не буду пересказывать подробности того, как в итоге первоначальный проект ЛДП оказался с размытым фокусомдлительных корректировок, как сообщают различные СМИ.
Однако, хотя в длинной резолюции упоминаются серьезные нарушения прав человека, в том числе нарушения свободы вероисповедания и принудительное заключение в Синьцзяне, Тибете, Южной Монголии и Гонконге, в ней не затрагивается тема.
В нем просто говорится: «Международное сообщество выразило свою озабоченность», а затем дается более подробная информация о ситуации.
Там только одно место с предметом.
«Мы признаем, что изменение статус-кво из-за власти, символом которой является серьезная ситуация с правами человека, представляет угрозу для международного сообщества, и настоятельно призываем международное сообщество взять на себя ответственность за серьезную ситуацию с правами человека. Спросите».
Это просто указано.
Несмотря на то, что резолюция опирается на то, что международное сообщество осудило Китай поименно, в нем нет слов «Китай» или «осуждение», что является ключом к решению.
Это равносильно выстрелу из пистолета в темноту.
Первоначальный проект был пересмотрен некоторыми прокитайскими членами Либерально-демократической партии, которые тайно и добровольно приняли негласное внимание к Китаю со стороны партии «Новый Комейто».
Комейто подчеркивал дружественные отношения с Китаем с момента его образования в 1964 году, но задумывался ли он о том, что означают его действия сегодня?
Японии угрожают общественные суда береговой охраны Китая, которые появились у островов Сэнкаку с 2012 года.
Соединенные Штаты, союзник, вступили в тотальный конфликт с Китаем. Предпосылка демократических стран, таких как Соединенные Штаты и Европа, включая подавление прав человека, была растоптана.
Сама резолюция, в которой говорится, что США тайно общаются с Китаем, при этом помещая себя в свободный мир, не может быть поставлена под сомнение международным сообществом, которое уважает свободу, права человека и верховенство закона.
Трусость иногда необходима для дипломатии, но мы должны остерегаться стать трусливыми.
Эта статья продолжается.
Ce qui suit est extrait d'un article de Tadae Takubo, professeur émérite à l'Université de Kyorin, intitulé "Diplomatie agitée sans armée nationale" dans "Sound Argument", un magazine mensuel actuellement en vente avec un dossier spécial que les Japonais doivent cesser de prendre la paix pour accordé.
L'emphase dans le texte autre que le titre est de moi.
C'est une lecture incontournable pour les Japonais et les peuples du monde entier.
Cet article est la théorie correcte parmi les approches appropriées.
Tadae Takubo a écrit tout son article en tant que vrai patriote.
C'est un journal auquel tous les citoyens japonais devraient se rendre immédiatement dans la librairie la plus proche pour s'abonner.
J'espère sincèrement que mon chapitre atteindra autant de citoyens japonais que possible.
Je suis convaincu que mes traductions dans d'autres langues atteindront le cœur de chaque pays.
C'est l'un des meilleurs articles du 21e siècle.
Vous pouvez dire grand tout ce que vous voulez, mais une nation qui dépend des États-Unis pour la base de sa puissance militaire est une nation avec un seul poumon.
"L'armement léger et l'accent mis sur l'économie" que le groupe Koikekai a dirigés pendant la période de forte croissance du Japon ont finalement façonné le pays pour en faire ce qu'il est aujourd'hui.
La nation consulte les États-Unis sur les questions qui affectent le sort de la nation, telles que la diplomatie et la défense. Les politiciens des partis au pouvoir et de l'opposition répètent "renforcer l'alliance nippo-américaine" et "renforcer la force de dissuasion contre la Chine".
Plus précisément, il n'y a aucun moyen de faire autre chose que d'augmenter les dépenses de défense dans la mesure où on ne sait pas dans quelle mesure cela dissuadera la Chine.
Il n'y a pas d'autre option que "l'alliance Japon-États-Unis" pour décider du sort du Japon.
Pour les États-Unis, qui détiennent notre pouvoir de vie et de mort, nous nous soucions à chaque fois du teint des États-Unis.
Alors que les États-Unis intervenaient militairement en Afghanistan puis en Irak, la Chine a tenté de modifier le statu quo par la force, en s'étendant dans les mers de Chine méridionale et orientale et en effectuant des mouvements troublants à la frontière avec l'Inde.
Comme le Japon occupe une position géopolitique, une sorte de peur de causer des problèmes avec cette Chine est probablement à l'œuvre.
Les manœuvres de la Chine contre le Japon pourraient également avoir un effet.
La diplomatie japonaise est devenue nerveuse à l'extrême.
Je me demande si le gouvernement japonais, fatigué des accusations persistantes de la Corée du Sud sur les soi-disant femmes de réconfort, les conscrits et le problème des mines d'or sur l'île de Sado, est résolument prêt à faire quelque chose à ce sujet.
La Corée du Nord a effectué sept tests de lancement de missiles cette année jusqu'au 30 janvier.
Si le Japon devait mener un test de missile devant ses yeux qui mettrait le Japon à portée, il répéterait simplement des "protestations sévères" vides et des "violations des résolutions de l'ONU".
Le Japon n'a d'autre choix que de poursuivre sa diplomatie nerveuse, même s'il a raison d'être inquiet pour tous les pays concernés.
La résolution fantôme sur la "condamnation de la Chine"
Le 29 janvier, le lendemain de la décision de nommer Sado Kinzan sur la liste du patrimoine mondial de l'UNESCO, le journal local Niigata Nippo a écrit le titre "Un changement de cap par rapport à la considération de ne pas nommer la mine d'or de Sado" sur sa première page. .
La surprise que « reporté » ait été changé en « recommandé », même si ce n'était pas prévu, était évidente.
Le problème, c'est la rédaction.
L'éditorial a d'emblée hésité à aborder les difficultés naturellement attendues du fait de l'opposition sud-coréenne.
L'éditorial a déjà exprimé sa sympathie pour la partie coréenne en disant : « Nous comprenons le sentiment coréen concernant le travail forcé, mais la mine d'or de Sado recommandée remonte à la période Edo.
Comme l'indique clairement la Société pour l'étude des questions liées à la reconnaissance historique (présidée par Tsutomu Nishioka) dans une annonce d'opinion parue dans le même journal, 1 519 ouvriers coréens ont été mobilisés à la mine d'or de Sado dont les deux tiers, soit 1 000, étaient " travailleurs recrutés ».
Les 500 autres ont voyagé au Japon soit par l'intermédiaire d'"agents du gouvernement" ou de "conscrits", mais il s'agissait de mobilisations légales de travail en temps de guerre, et il n'y avait pas de "travail forcé", comme l'appellent les Coréens.
Le Premier ministre Fumio Kishida s'est d'abord montré prudent quant à la recommandation, mais la question a été « renversée » après une « voie détournée », comme le titre du Niigata Nippo l'a dit à contrecœur.
Avant cela, le gouvernement japonais avait soi-disant pris une décision ministérielle selon laquelle « la mobilisation en temps de guerre des travailleurs coréens ne constitue pas du « travail forcé » au sens de la Convention sur le travail forcé.
On dit que l'enregistrement ne peut se faire tant qu'il y a opposition des pays concernés, mais il n'y a aucune raison de s'inquiéter d'une autre "opposition" avec d'autres intentions.
Dans le même temps, la Chambre des représentants a finalement adopté la "résolution sur la grave situation des droits de l'homme dans le Xinjiang ouïghour et d'autres régions" à la majorité lors d'une session plénière le 1er février.
Je ne raconterai pas les détails de la façon dont le projet original du LDP s'est retrouvé avec une mise au point floue en conséquencede longs ajustements, comme l'ont rapporté divers médias.
Cependant, bien que la longue résolution mentionne de graves violations des droits de l'homme, y compris des violations de la liberté religieuse et des emprisonnements forcés au Xinjiang, au Tibet, dans le sud de la Mongolie et à Hong Kong, elle omet le sujet.
Il déclare simplement : « La communauté internationale a exprimé son inquiétude », puis poursuit en expliquant davantage la situation.
Il n'y a qu'un endroit avec le sujet.
"Nous reconnaissons que le changement du statu quo dû au pouvoir symbolisé par la grave situation des droits de l'homme est une menace pour la communauté internationale, et exhortons vivement la communauté internationale à rendre compte de la grave situation des droits de l'homme. Demandez"
Il dit juste que.
Même si la résolution s'appuie sur le fait que la communauté internationale a condamné la Chine par son nom, il n'y a pas de « Chine » ou de « condamnation », qui est la clé de la solution.
Cela équivaut à tirer un coup de feu dans l'obscurité.
Le projet original a été révisé par certains membres pro-chinois du Parti libéral démocrate, qui ont secrètement et volontairement accepté la considération tacite pour la Chine par le Nouveau parti Komeito.
Le Komeito a mis l'accent sur les relations amicales avec la Chine depuis sa formation en 1964, mais a-t-il réfléchi à ce que ses actions signifient aujourd'hui ?
Le Japon est menacé par les navires publics des garde-côtes chinois qui sont apparus dans les îles Senkaku depuis 2012.
Les États-Unis, un allié, sont entrés dans un conflit total avec la Chine. La prémisse des pays démocratiques tels que les États-Unis et l'Europe, y compris la suppression des droits de l'homme, a été bafouée.
La résolution elle-même, qui nous dit que les États-Unis communiquent secrètement avec la Chine, tout en se plaçant dans le monde libre, pourrait ne pas être remise en question par la communauté internationale, qui respecte la liberté, les droits de l'homme et l'État de droit.
La lâcheté est parfois nécessaire à la diplomatie, mais il faut se garder de devenir lâche.
Cet article continue.
Das Folgende stammt aus einem Artikel von Tadae Takubo, emeritierter Professor an der Kyorin-Universität, mit dem Titel „Jittery diplomacy without a national army“ in „Sound Argument“, einem monatlich erhältlichen Magazin mit einem Sonderthema, für das die Japaner aufhören müssen, Frieden zu schließen gewährt.
Die Hervorhebung im Text außer der Überschrift stammt von mir.
Es ist ein Muss für die Japaner und Menschen weltweit.
Dieses Papier ist die richtige Theorie unter den geeigneten Ansätzen.
Tadae Takubo schrieb sein ganzes Dasein als echter Patriot.
Es ist eine Zeitung, die alle japanischen Bürger sofort zum nächsten Buchladen abonnieren sollten.
Ich hoffe aufrichtig, dass mein Kapitel so viele japanische Bürger wie möglich erreichen wird.
Ich bin zuversichtlich, dass meine Übersetzungen in andere Sprachen das Herz jedes Landes erreichen werden.
Es ist einer der besten Artikel des 21. Jahrhunderts.
Sie können groß reden, so viel Sie wollen, aber eine Nation, die von den USA als Grundlage ihrer Militärmacht abhängig ist, ist eine Nation mit einer Lunge.
Die „leichte Bewaffnung und die Betonung der Wirtschaft“, die die Koikekai-Gruppe während Japans Hochwachstumszeit führte, formten das Land letztendlich zu dem, was es heute ist.
Die Nation konsultiert die USA in Fragen, die das Schicksal der Nation betreffen, wie Diplomatie und Verteidigung. Politiker sowohl der Regierungs- als auch der Oppositionsparteien plappern „die Stärkung des Bündnisses zwischen Japan und den USA“ und „die Stärkung der Abschreckungskraft gegen China“ nach.
Insbesondere gibt es keine andere Möglichkeit, als die Verteidigungsausgaben so weit zu erhöhen, dass unklar ist, wie effektiv dies China abschrecken wird.
Es gibt keine andere Möglichkeit als die „Allianz zwischen Japan und den USA“, um über Japans Schicksal zu entscheiden.
Für die Vereinigten Staaten, die unsere Macht über Leben und Tod haben, kümmern wir uns jedes Mal um das Gesicht der Vereinigten Staaten.
Während die USA in Afghanistan und dann im Irak militärisch intervenierten, versuchte China, den Status quo durch Gewalt zu ändern, indem es in das Süd- und Ostchinesische Meer expandierte und beunruhigende Schritte an der Grenze zu Indien unternahm.
Da Japan eine geopolitische Position einnimmt, ist wahrscheinlich eine Art Angst am Werk, Ärger mit diesem China zu verursachen.
Auch Chinas Manöver gegen Japan könnten Wirkung zeigen.
Die japanische Diplomatie ist extrem nervös geworden.
Ich frage mich, ob die japanische Regierung, die die anhaltenden Anschuldigungen Südkoreas über die sogenannten Trostfrauen, Wehrpflichtigen und das Goldminenproblem auf Sado Island satt hat, standhaft bereit ist, etwas dagegen zu unternehmen.
Nordkorea hat in diesem Jahr bis zum 30. Januar sieben Raketenstarttests durchgeführt.
Wenn Japan vor seinen Augen einen Raketentest durchführen würde, der Japan in Reichweite bringen würde, würde es einfach leere „strenge Proteste“ und „Verstöße gegen UN-Resolutionen“ wiederholen.
Japan hat keine andere Wahl, als seine nervöse Diplomatie fortzusetzen, obwohl es berechtigt ist, angesichts aller beteiligten Länder nervös zu sein.
Die Phantom-Resolution „Verurteilung Chinas“.
Am 29. Januar, dem Tag nach der Entscheidung, Sado Kinzan für die Liste des UNESCO-Weltkulturerbes zu nominieren, schrieb die lokale Zeitung Niigata Nippo auf ihrer Titelseite die Überschrift: „Eine Kursänderung aufgrund der Überlegung, die Sado-Goldmine nicht zu nominieren“. .
Die Überraschung, dass „aufgeschoben“ in „empfohlen“ geändert wurde, obwohl es nicht erwartet wurde, war offensichtlich.
Das Problem ist die Redaktion.
Die Redaktion zögerte von Anfang an, die Schwierigkeiten anzusprechen, die aufgrund der Opposition Südkoreas natürlich zu erwarten sind.
Der Leitartikel drückte bereits Sympathie für die koreanische Seite aus und sagte: „Wir verstehen die koreanische Stimmung in Bezug auf Zwangsarbeit, aber die empfohlene Sado-Goldmine stammt aus der Edo-Zeit.
Wie die Society for the Study of Issues Related to Historical Recognition (unter dem Vorsitz von Tsutomu Nishioka) in einer Meinungsanzeige in derselben Zeitung klar feststellt, wurden 1.519 koreanische Arbeiter in der Sado-Goldmine mobilisiert, zwei Drittel davon oder 1.000 waren „ angeworbene" Arbeiter.
Die anderen 500 reisten entweder durch „Regierungsagenten“ oder „Wehrpflichtige“ nach Japan, aber das waren legale Arbeitsmobilisierungen während des Krieges, und so etwas wie „Zwangsarbeit“, wie die Koreaner es nennen, gab es nicht.
Ministerpräsident Fumio Kishida stand der Empfehlung zunächst zurückhaltend gegenüber, doch das Thema wurde nach einem „Umweg“ „umgedreht“, wie es die Schlagzeile im Niigata Nippo widerwillig ausdrückte.
Zuvor hatte die japanische Regierung angeblich einen Kabinettsbeschluss gefasst, dass „die Mobilisierung koreanischer Arbeiter während des Krieges keine ‚Zwangsarbeit‘ im Sinne der Konvention über Zwangsarbeit darstellt.
Es wird gesagt, dass die Registrierung nicht durchgeführt werden kann, solange es Widerstand aus den betroffenen Ländern gibt, aber es gibt keinen Grund, warum wir uns über einen anderen „Widerstand“ mit anderen Absichten Sorgen machen sollten.
Gleichzeitig verabschiedete das Repräsentantenhaus auf einer Plenarsitzung am 1. Februar schließlich die „Resolution on the Serious Human Rights Situation in Xinjiang Uighur and Other Regions“ mit Mehrheitsbeschluss.
Ich werde nicht im Detail aufzählen, wie der ursprüngliche Entwurf der LDP dadurch zu einem verschwommenen Fokus geführt hatvon langwierigen Anpassungen, wie von verschiedenen Massenmedien berichtet.
Obwohl die lange Entschließung schwere Menschenrechtsverletzungen erwähnt, darunter Verletzungen der Religionsfreiheit und Zwangshaft in Xinjiang, Tibet, der Südmongolei und Hongkong, lässt sie das Thema aus.
Es heißt einfach: „Die internationale Gemeinschaft hat ihre Besorgnis zum Ausdruck gebracht“, und fährt dann fort, mehr über die Situation zu erklären.
Es gibt nur eine Stelle mit dem Thema.
„Wir erkennen an, dass die Veränderung des Status quo aufgrund der Macht, die durch die ernste Menschenrechtslage symbolisiert wird, eine Bedrohung für die internationale Gemeinschaft darstellt, und fordern die internationale Gemeinschaft nachdrücklich auf, für die ernste Menschenrechtslage Rechenschaft abzulegen.
Das sagt es nur aus.
Obwohl sich die Resolution darauf stützt, dass die internationale Gemeinschaft China namentlich verurteilt hat, gibt es kein „China“ oder „Verurteilung“, was der Schlüssel zur Lösung ist.
Es ist gleichbedeutend damit, eine Waffe in die Dunkelheit zu schießen.
Der ursprüngliche Entwurf wurde von einigen pro-chinesischen Mitgliedern der Liberaldemokratischen Partei überarbeitet, die heimlich und bereitwillig die unausgesprochene Berücksichtigung Chinas durch die Neue Komeito-Partei akzeptierten.
Komeito hat seit seiner Gründung im Jahr 1964 freundschaftliche Beziehungen zu China betont, aber hat es darüber nachgedacht, was seine Handlungen heute bedeuten?
Japan wird von den öffentlichen Schiffen der chinesischen Küstenwache bedroht, die seit 2012 auf den Senkaku-Inseln aufgetaucht sind.
Die Vereinigten Staaten, ein Verbündeter, sind in einen totalen Konflikt mit China geraten. Die Prämisse demokratischer Länder wie der Vereinigten Staaten und Europas, einschließlich der Unterdrückung der Menschenrechte, wurde mit Füßen getreten.
Die Resolution selbst, die uns sagt, dass die USA heimlich mit China kommunizieren, während sie sich in die freie Welt stellen, könnte von der internationalen Gemeinschaft, die Freiheit, Menschenrechte und Rechtsstaatlichkeit respektiert, nicht in Frage gestellt werden.
Feigheit ist manchmal notwendig für die Diplomatie, aber wir müssen uns davor hüten, feige zu werden.
Dieser Artikel wird fortgesetzt.
Lo siguiente es de un artículo de Tadae Takubo, profesor emérito de la Universidad de Kyorin, titulado "Diplomacia nerviosa sin un ejército nacional" en "Sound Argument", una revista mensual a la venta ahora con un artículo especial que los japoneses deben dejar de tomar la paz por otorgado.
El énfasis en el texto que no sea el titular es mío.
Es una lectura obligada para los japoneses y el resto del mundo.
Este documento es la teoría correcta entre los enfoques adecuados.
Tadae Takubo escribió todo su ser papel como un verdadero patriota.
Es un periódico al que todos los ciudadanos japoneses deberían acudir a su librería más cercana para suscribirse inmediatamente.
Espero sinceramente que mi capítulo llegue a tantos ciudadanos japoneses como sea posible.
Confío en que mis traducciones a otros idiomas llegarán al corazón de cada país.
Es uno de los mejores artículos del siglo XXI.
Puedes hablar en grande todo lo que quieras, pero una nación que depende de los EE. UU. para la base de su poder militar es una nación con un solo pulmón.
El "armamento ligero y el énfasis en la economía" que lideró el grupo Koikekai durante el período de alto crecimiento de Japón finalmente moldeó al país en lo que es hoy.
La nación consulta a los EE. UU. sobre temas que afectan el destino de la nación, como la diplomacia y la defensa. Los políticos tanto del partido gobernante como de la oposición repiten como loros "fortalecer la alianza Japón-Estados Unidos" y "fortalecer la fuerza de disuasión contra China".
Específicamente, no hay forma de hacer otra cosa que no sea aumentar el gasto en defensa en la medida en que no está claro qué tan efectivo disuadirá a China.
No hay otra opción que la "alianza Japón-Estados Unidos" para decidir el destino de Japón.
Para los Estados Unidos, que tiene nuestro poder de vida y muerte, nos preocupamos por la complexión de los Estados Unidos cada vez.
Mientras Estados Unidos intervenía militarmente en Afganistán y luego en Irak, China intentaba cambiar el statu quo por la fuerza, expandiéndose hacia los mares del sur y este de China y realizando movimientos inquietantes en la frontera con India.
Dado que Japón ocupa una posición geopolítica, es probable que esté en juego una especie de miedo a causar problemas con esta China.
Las maniobras de China contra Japón también pueden estar surtiendo efecto.
La diplomacia japonesa se ha vuelto nerviosa hasta el extremo.
Me pregunto si el gobierno japonés, harto de las persistentes acusaciones de Corea del Sur sobre las llamadas mujeres de consuelo, los reclutas y el tema de la mina de oro en la isla de Sado, está firmemente preparado para hacer algo al respecto.
Corea del Norte ha realizado siete pruebas de lanzamiento de misiles este año hasta el 30 de enero.
Si Japón realizara una prueba de misiles frente a sus ojos que pusiera a Japón dentro del alcance, simplemente repetiría "protestas severas" vacías y "violaciones de las resoluciones de la ONU".
Japón no tiene más remedio que continuar con su diplomacia nerviosa, aunque es correcto estar nervioso por todos los países involucrados.
La resolución fantasma de la "condena de China"
El 29 de enero, el día después de que decidió nominar a Sado Kinzan a la lista del Patrimonio Mundial de la UNESCO, el periódico local Niigata Nippo escribió el titular, "Un cambio de rumbo desde la consideración de no nominar la mina de oro de Sado", en su portada. .
La sorpresa de que se cambiara "aplazado" por "recomendado", aunque no se esperaba, fue evidente.
El problema es la redacción.
El editorial se mostró reacio desde el principio a abordar las dificultades que naturalmente se esperan debido a la oposición de Corea del Sur.
El editorial ya expresó su simpatía por la parte coreana y dijo: "Entendemos el sentimiento coreano con respecto al trabajo forzoso, pero la mina de oro Sado recomendada se remonta al período Edo.
Como la Sociedad para el Estudio de Cuestiones Relacionadas con el Reconocimiento Histórico (presidida por Tsutomu Nishioka) establece claramente en un anuncio de opinión en el mismo periódico, 1.519 trabajadores coreanos fueron movilizados en la mina de oro de Sado, dos tercios de estos, o 1.000, fueron " trabajadores "contratados".
Los otros 500 viajaron a Japón a través de "agentes del gobierno" o "reclutas", pero se trataba de movilizaciones laborales legales en tiempos de guerra, y no existía el "trabajo forzado", como lo llaman los coreanos.
El primer ministro Fumio Kishida inicialmente se mostró cauteloso acerca de la recomendación, pero el tema se "invirtió" después de una "manera indirecta", como lo expresó a regañadientes el titular del Niigata Nippo.
Antes de eso, el gobierno japonés supuestamente había tomado una decisión del gabinete de que "la movilización de trabajadores coreanos en tiempos de guerra no constituye 'trabajo forzoso' bajo la Convención sobre Trabajo Forzoso.
Se dice que el registro no puede hacerse mientras haya oposición de los países interesados, pero no hay por qué preocuparnos por cualquier otra "oposición" con otras intenciones.
Al mismo tiempo, la Cámara de Representantes finalmente aprobó la "Resolución sobre la grave situación de los derechos humanos en Xinjiang Uighur y otras regiones" por mayoría de votos en una sesión plenaria el 1 de febrero.
No contaré los detalles de cómo el borrador original del PLD terminó con un enfoque borroso como resultadode largos ajustes, según informan varios medios de comunicación.
Sin embargo, aunque la extensa resolución menciona graves violaciones de los derechos humanos, incluidas las violaciones de la libertad religiosa y el encarcelamiento forzoso en Xinjiang, el Tíbet, el sur de Mongolia y Hong Kong, deja de lado el tema.
Simplemente dice: "La comunidad internacional ha expresado su preocupación", y luego continúa explicando más sobre la situación.
Sólo hay un lugar con el tema.
“Reconocemos que el cambio en el statu quo debido al poder simbolizado por la grave situación de los derechos humanos es una amenaza para la comunidad internacional, e instamos encarecidamente a la comunidad internacional a que rinda cuentas por la grave situación de los derechos humanos. Pregunta”
Solo dice eso.
Aunque la resolución se basa en que la comunidad internacional haya condenado a China por su nombre, no hay "China" o "condena", que es la clave de la solución.
Es equivalente a disparar un arma en la oscuridad.
El borrador original fue revisado por algunos miembros pro-China del Partido Liberal Democrático, quienes aceptaron en secreto y de buena gana la consideración tácita de China por parte del Partido Nuevo Komeito.
Komeito ha enfatizado las relaciones amistosas con China desde su formación en 1964, pero ¿ha considerado lo que significan sus acciones hoy?
Japón ha sido amenazado por los barcos públicos de la Guardia Costera de China que han aparecido en las Islas Senkaku desde 2012.
Estados Unidos, un aliado, ha entrado en conflicto total con China. Se ha pisoteado la premisa de países democráticos como Estados Unidos y Europa, incluida la supresión de los derechos humanos.
La resolución en sí, que nos dice que EE. UU. se comunica en secreto con China, mientras se ubica en el mundo libre, podría no ser cuestionada por la comunidad internacional, que respeta la libertad, los derechos humanos y el estado de derecho.
La cobardía a veces es necesaria para la diplomacia, pero debemos cuidarnos de volvernos cobardes.
Este artículo continúa.
Quanto segue è tratto da un articolo di Tadae Takubo, professore emerito alla Kyorin University, intitolato "Diplomazia nervosa senza un esercito nazionale" in "Sound Argument", una rivista mensile in vendita ora con una caratteristica speciale I giapponesi devono rinunciare a prendere la pace per concesso.
L'enfasi nel testo oltre al titolo è mia.
È una lettura obbligata per i giapponesi e per le persone in tutto il mondo.
Questo articolo è la teoria corretta tra gli approcci adatti.
Tadae Takubo ha scritto tutto il suo essere carta come un vero patriota.
È un giornale a cui tutti i cittadini giapponesi dovrebbero recarsi nella libreria più vicina per abbonarsi immediatamente.
Spero sinceramente che il mio capitolo raggiunga il maggior numero possibile di cittadini giapponesi.
Sono fiducioso che le mie traduzioni in altre lingue raggiungeranno il cuore di ogni paese.
È uno dei migliori articoli del 21° secolo.
Puoi parlare in grande quanto vuoi, ma una nazione che dipende dagli Stati Uniti per la base della sua potenza militare è una nazione con un polmone.
L '"armamento leggero e l'enfasi sull'economia" che il gruppo Koikekai ha guidato durante il periodo di forte crescita del Giappone alla fine hanno plasmato il paese in quello che è oggi.
La nazione consulta gli Stati Uniti su questioni che influenzano il destino della nazione, come la diplomazia e la difesa. I politici di entrambi i partiti al potere e di opposizione fanno il pappagallo "rafforzando l'alleanza Giappone-USA" e "rafforzando la forza deterrente contro la Cina.
In particolare, non c'è modo di fare altro che aumentare la spesa per la difesa nella misura in cui non è chiaro quanto sia efficace questo dissuaderà la Cina.
Non c'è altra opzione che "l'alleanza Giappone-USA" per decidere il destino del Giappone.
Per gli Stati Uniti, che detengono il nostro potere di vita e di morte, ci preoccupiamo ogni volta della carnagione degli Stati Uniti.
Mentre gli Stati Uniti stavano intervenendo militarmente in Afghanistan e poi in Iraq, la Cina ha tentato di cambiare lo status quo con la forza, espandendosi nel Mar Cinese Meridionale e Orientale e compiendo mosse inquietanti al confine con l'India.
Poiché il Giappone occupa una posizione geopolitica, è probabile che sia all'opera una sorta di paura di creare problemi con questa Cina.
Anche le manovre della Cina contro il Giappone potrebbero avere effetto.
La diplomazia giapponese è diventata nervosa all'estremo.
Mi chiedo se il governo giapponese, stufo delle persistenti accuse della Corea del Sud sulle cosiddette donne di conforto, sui coscritti e sulla questione della miniera d'oro sull'isola di Sado, sia fermamente disposto a fare qualcosa al riguardo.
La Corea del Nord ha condotto sette test di lancio di missili quest'anno fino al 30 gennaio.
Se il Giappone dovesse condurre un test missilistico davanti ai suoi occhi che metterebbe il Giappone nel raggio d'azione, ripeterebbe semplicemente vuote "proteste severe" e "violazioni delle risoluzioni delle Nazioni Unite".
Il Giappone non ha altra scelta che continuare la sua diplomazia nervosa, anche se è giusto essere nervoso per tutti i paesi coinvolti.
La risoluzione fantasma sulla "condanna della Cina".
Il 29 gennaio, il giorno dopo aver deciso di nominare Sado Kinzan nella lista del patrimonio mondiale dell'UNESCO, il quotidiano locale Niigata Nippo ha scritto in prima pagina il titolo "Un cambio di rotta dalla considerazione di non nominare la miniera d'oro di Sado". .
La sorpresa che "rinviato" fosse stato cambiato in "consigliato", anche se non era previsto, era evidente.
Il problema è l'editoriale.
L'editoriale è stato fin dall'inizio riluttante ad affrontare le difficoltà che naturalmente ci si aspetta a causa dell'opposizione della Corea del Sud.
L'editoriale ha già espresso simpatia per la parte coreana, dicendo: "Comprendiamo il sentimento coreano riguardo al lavoro forzato, ma la miniera d'oro di Sado consigliata risale al periodo Edo.
Come afferma chiaramente la Society for the Study of Issues Related to Historical Recognition (presieduta da Tsutomu Nishioka) in un parere pubblicitario sullo stesso giornale, 1.519 lavoratori coreani furono mobilitati presso la miniera d'oro di Sado, due terzi di questi, o 1.000, erano " lavoratori assunti".
Gli altri 500 si sono recati in Giappone tramite "agenti governativi" o "coscritti", ma si trattava di mobilitazioni lavorative legali in tempo di guerra e non esisteva il "lavoro forzato", come lo chiamano i coreani.
Il primo ministro Fumio Kishida era inizialmente cauto riguardo alla raccomandazione, ma la questione è stata "invertita" dopo un "modo indiretto", come diceva a malincuore il titolo del Niigata Nippo.
Prima di allora, il governo giapponese aveva presumibilmente preso una decisione di gabinetto secondo cui "la mobilitazione dei lavoratori coreani in tempo di guerra non costituisce 'lavoro forzato' ai sensi della Convenzione sul lavoro forzato.
Si dice che la registrazione non può essere effettuata finché c'è l'opposizione dei paesi interessati, ma non c'è motivo per cui dovremmo preoccuparci di qualsiasi altra "opposizione" con altre intenzioni.
Allo stesso tempo, la Camera dei Rappresentanti ha finalmente approvato la "Risoluzione sulla grave situazione dei diritti umani nello Xinjiang Uighur e in altre regioni" a maggioranza in una sessione plenaria il 1° febbraio.
Non racconterò i dettagli di come la bozza originale dell'LDP sia finita con una messa a fuoco sfocata di conseguenzadi lunghi aggiustamenti, come riportato da vari mass media.
Tuttavia, sebbene la lunga risoluzione menzioni gravi violazioni dei diritti umani, comprese le violazioni della libertà religiosa e la reclusione forzata nello Xinjiang, nel Tibet, nella Mongolia meridionale e a Hong Kong, non tiene conto dell'argomento.
Afferma semplicemente: "La comunità internazionale ha espresso la sua preoccupazione", e poi prosegue spiegando di più sulla situazione.
C'è solo un posto con il soggetto.
"Riconosciamo che il cambiamento nello status quo dovuto al potere simboleggiato dalla grave situazione dei diritti umani è una minaccia per la comunità internazionale ed esortiamo vivamente la comunità internazionale a essere responsabile della grave situazione dei diritti umani. Chiedi"
Lo afferma solo.
Anche se la risoluzione fa affidamento sul fatto che la comunità internazionale abbia condannato la Cina per nome, non c'è "Cina" o "condanna", che è la chiave della soluzione.
Equivale a sparare con una pistola nell'oscurità.
La bozza originale è stata rivista da alcuni membri filo-cinesi del Partito Liberal Democratico, che hanno segretamente e volentieri accettato la tacita considerazione per la Cina da parte del New Komeito Party.
Komeito ha sottolineato le relazioni amichevoli con la Cina sin dalla sua formazione nel 1964, ma ha considerato cosa significano oggi le sue azioni?
Il Giappone è stato minacciato dalle navi pubbliche della Guardia costiera cinese che sono apparse nelle isole Senkaku dal 2012.
Gli Stati Uniti, alleati, sono entrati in un conflitto totale con la Cina. La premessa di paesi democratici come gli Stati Uniti e l'Europa, inclusa la repressione dei diritti umani, è stata calpestata.
La risoluzione stessa, che ci dice che gli Stati Uniti stanno comunicando segretamente con la Cina, pur ponendosi nel mondo libero, potrebbe non essere messa in discussione dalla comunità internazionale, che rispetta la libertà, i diritti umani e lo stato di diritto.
La codardia a volte è necessaria per la diplomazia, ma dobbiamo stare attenti a diventare codardi.
Questo articolo continua.