文明のターンテーブルThe Turntable of Civilization

日本の時間、世界の時間。
The time of Japan, the time of the world

Top 10 real-time searches 2022/2/2, 21:37

2022年02月02日 21時37分54秒 | 全般

1

アメーバでの公式ハッシュタグランクイン記事一覧 2022/2/2

2

So we can't just sit back and watch the Chinese Communist Party intimidate Taiwan.

3

興和、「イベルメクチン」のオミクロン株への抗ウイルス効果を確認

4

China and Russia are colluding to shake up their neighbors and see how the U.S. reacts

5

ビックリした‼️朝日新聞は未だに「東京オリンピックの中止を煽った事」を正当だったと主張している

6

それと比べれば、仏さんのことを呼び捨てて断罪する山口二郎さんという人は、人間の屑以外の何者でもない

7

Until a few years ago, Lithuania had been pursuing pro-China diplomacy.

8

When the canaries stop chirping, the democratic circle will face a crisis.

9

Eles não querem discutir isso de qualquer maneira.

10

ਉਹ ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਇਸ 'ਤੇ ਚਰਚਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਨਾ ਚਾਹੁੰਦੇ ਹਨ।

 

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When the canaries stop chirping, the democratic circle will face a crisis.

2022年02月02日 21時23分21秒 | 全般

The following is from a particular feature article on Japan-Taiwan relations in the monthly magazine "Sound Argument," released yesterday.
It opens with an article by Ms. Mina Mitsui, the Paris bureau chief of the Sankei Shimbun.
She is a real woman journalist.
Learn from Lithuania, a country that turned pro-Taiwan
Lithuania, one of the three Baltic states of the former Soviet Union, has adopted a pro-Taiwan policy and confronts China head-on.
Last fall, when Lithuania approved the establishment of a representative office bearing the name "Taiwan," it was fiercely criticized by China as a violation of the "One China" policy. Change the name.
The U.S. and Europe have announced their support for Lithuania, and the struggle of the small country has now become a touchstone for the democratic circle to confront the authoritarian state.
What is happening in Lithuania, more than 6,000 kilometers away from China?
I went there to find out.
A domino of threats
If a map of Lithuania immediately comes to your mind, you must be quite an internationalist.
The northern latitude is almost the same as the northernmost tip of Sakhalin.
It is located at the eastern edge of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (E.U.) and borders Belarus.
It has a population of about 2.8 million, less than that of Ibaraki Prefecture.
At the end of December last year, I visited the capital, Vilnius.
The day was as dark as evening, and the cold wind of 5 degrees below zero chapped my cheeks.
Walking along the snow-covered sidewalks, I saw the Parliament building across the square, nearly falling several times.
The vast, intimidating concrete structure is a remnant of the Cold War era.
It once housed the Lithuanian-Soviet Supreme Council and was called the "Soviet Palace.
I visited the Capitol to interview Mr. Matas Mardeykis, a member of the parliament who chairs the Committee on China-Taiwan Relations.
Mr. Mardeykis is a member of the center-right "Fatherland Alliance," the first ruling party, and had just led a delegation of Baltic parliamentarians to Taiwan. 
After Mr. Mardeykis called on Latvian and Estonian lawmakers to join him, it realized the commission. 
They are ten participating lawmakers, including six from Lithuania's ruling and opposition parties.
Mr. Mardeykis is 41 years old.
He has a friendly smile on his face, but his eyes are sharp behind his round glasses.
He seemed to be still reeling from the excitement of his visit to Taiwan and opened by saying, "Support for Taiwan is not just sympathy for a small island that China threatens. It is an issue that directly affects the security of our country," he said.
When it says "security," it is not assuming that China will fire missiles at Lithuania.
He is accusing China and Russia of being linked and threatening the democratic circle.
As Russian President Vladimir Putin exerts both military and political pressure on Ukraine and Eastern Europe, Xi Jinping's administration is shaking up Taiwan in tandem.
Senator Mardeikis asserted, "This is not just a coincidence.
Russia remains the most significant threat for Lithuania even after the Soviet Union disappeared.
"During my visit to Taiwan, I held more than 30 meetings with President Tsai Ing-wen and senior government officials to hear about the threats facing Taiwan.
During my visit to Taiwan, I had more than 30 meetings with President Tsai Ing-wen and senior government officials to learn about Taiwan's threats, including cyber-attacks from China, the dissemination of disinformation, and military threats such as the intrusion of Chinese military aircraft into the air defense zone.
I was amazed at how similar Russia and China are in their methods of shaking up their democratic 'neighbors.'
Mr. Mardikis warned of a "domino effect" of Sino-Russian collaboration.
Saying, "The world is now divided into authoritarian nations such as China, Russia, and democracies. It is just as the world was once polarized into the U.S. and the Soviet Union. If democracy collapses somewhere, it will have a domino effect, and pressure will spread to other regions. If China crushes democracy in Taiwan, the impact will extend to small democracies in Eastern Europe, like our country. China and Russia are colluding to shake up their neighbors and see how the U.S. reacts. The democratic circles must unite to help Taiwan."
Lithuania is bordered on the west by the Russian enclave of Kaliningrad.
The Belarusian border on the east is only 20 kilometers away from the parliament building.
On the interview day, Belarus sent Middle Eastern migrants to the Lithuanian border to encourage a border breach.
Although Lithuania is a small country, it is susceptible to security issues.
In the background, there is a history of hardship. In the Middle Ages, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania prospered as one of the most powerful countries in Europe, but the Russian Empire annexed it at the end of the 18th century.
Lithuania achieved its long-cherished independence at the end of World War I, only to be invaded by the Soviet Union about 20 years later.
It is now a member of NATO, but in 2015, in response to the growing threat from Russia, it reinstated the conscription system that it had abolished.
As for China, the Ministry of Defense warned in its 2019 report that espionage is growing in the country.
It said that the small country of Lithuania is being used as a base for collecting classified information for NATO and the E.U.
Furthermore, last September, the Ministry of Defense issued an unprecedented recommendation to its citizens, telling them not to use Chinese smartphones and destroy those who own them.
It warned that the products of Chinese manufacturer Xiaomi had built-in detection functions for terms such as "Long Live Taiwan Independence" and "Free Tibet" and could be remotely controlled.
At the root of Lithuania's pro-Taiwan policy is a sense of crisis over the U.S.'s "departure" from Europe.
The U.S., the ally of NATO, has shifted its focus to Asia to concentrate on strategic competition with China. 
For this reason, France and Germany on the European side are committed to Europe's security. Still, Lithuania's, the United States, and Europe division is a nightmare scenario.
By appealing that "the crisis between Russia and China is one" through support for Taiwan, Lithuania's aim to hold the U.S.-European alliance together is transparent.
Both of Mr. Mardikis's parents are economists, and he served as a member of the European Parliament after Lithuania acceded to the E.U.
It instilled the firm belief that the nation's fate depends on the U.S.-European alliance in him from childhood.
The Spirit of Anti-Communism
In Japan, the mention of Lithuania probably reminds many people of Chiune Sugihara, the diplomat who issued the "Visa for Life" to Jewish refugees.
Sugihara was posted to the Lithuanian consulate in 1939 and was forced to leave after only one year.
The Soviet Union annexed Lithuania in 1940 under the secret protocol of the Treaty of Non-Aggression between Germany and the Soviet Union. During the Soviet era, Lithuania was forced into communism and Russian education for half a century and trampled on nationalism.
The humiliating experience is still engraved in the minds of the people.
In fact, Taiwan's population is nine times larger than Lithuania's, and its Gross Regional Product (GRP) is 11 times more prominent. Still, the Lithuanian people have a strong sympathy for the "small democracy" that fights against the Communist Party, which is the foundation of their pro-Taiwan policy.
Dvirė Shakalien is a good example. She belongs to the center-left opposition party and is a parliamentary rival of Mr. Mardikis. 
Still, they are comrades in pro-Taiwanese policies, and she participated in a parliamentary delegation to Taiwan.
She is now 43 years old, with blond hair and a smile on her face, but when she talks about China, her face turns grim.
"I grew up hearing about the horrors of Soviet oppression from my grandparents. The scary thing about communism is that it seeks to expand its power, crush humanity, and eradicate those who rebel against it. So we can't just sit back and watch the Chinese Communist Party intimidate Taiwan."
Senator Shakalien's grandfather refused to serve in the Red Army and forced labor in Siberia.
Her grandmother was also branded a dissident and sent to Siberia.
Her brothers slipped up and spoke ill of the Soviet Union, and someone told them, and they were arrested. 
When I was 11 years old, it declared independence.
I will never forget my grandfather shedding tears like a child, saying, 'It's like a dream, my wish is finally coming true."
Ms. Shakalien studied in the United States during her high school years and inhaled the wind of liberalism.
After graduating from university, she worked for a government-affiliated human rights organization.
Since becoming a member of the Diet, she has been calling for human rights diplomacy.
Last May, when the Lithuanian Parliament adopted a resolution calling for an investigation of genocide in China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, she was the proponent of the solution.
Ties to Tibet
Until a few years ago, Lithuania had been pursuing pro-China diplomacy.
It has participated in the 17 plus 1 economic cooperation framework between China and 17 Eastern European countries every year since it held the first summit in Warsaw in 2012. 
It has also signed a memorandum of understanding with China on the "One Belt, One Road" initiative.
The honeymoon relationship took a turn when an "incident" occurred in August 2019.
Konstantinos Andriyauskas, an associate professor at the University of Vilnius, said, "The Chinese embassy blocked a public rally in support of democracy in Hong Kong. The impact on the people was huge," he said.
The incident took place in front of the Parliament building in Vilnius.
At that time, democratization demand demonstrations were intensifying in Hong Kong, and on that day, Vilnius citizens were gathering in the square with the flags of Hong Kong and Tibet.
Suddenly, a group of more than a dozen Chinese people, holding up a red Chinese flag, burst in and shouted, "Hong Kong belongs to China forever.
When the rally participants were startled and tried to take pictures of the Chinese group with their smartphones, the Chinese grabbed them.
The incident was reported on television nationwide. 
The Chinese embassy initially denied any involvement.
However, an investigative report by a T.V. station revealed that the Chinese ambassador to Lithuania was near the scene.
It also discovered that a car with diplomatic plates carried Chinese flags and distributed them to Chinese students. 
The Lithuanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs called the Chinese ambassador and protested directly.
About 500 Chinese people are living in Lithuania.
The way the foreign embassies used their organizational networks to intervene in foreign countries was just like the Soviet Union of old.
At the end of the year, there was another uproar.
A female Chinese tourist visiting Lithuania acted in a way that trampled on the pro-democracy movement, and it broadcasted the video of her act on the Internet. 
At a memorial site called "Hill of Crosses" west of Vilnius, the woman found a 30-centimeter cross with the words "Freedom for Hong Kong" written on it, pulled it out, and threw it away, laughing and saying, "They say they are Hong Kong people."
There was so much outrage in Lithuania that the police searched to identify the woman.
The Hill of Crosses is called the "national sanctuary" in Lithuania.
It is about 200 kilometers west of Vilnius.
As I drove through the open fields, black hills suddenly appeared.
As you approach the hill, you can see more than 100,000 crosses of all sizes.
It is said that it began in the 19th century when it uprised in imperial Russia and brought a cross in memory of the victims who were killed. During the Soviet era, the bereaved families of political prisoners sent to Siberia visited.
The Soviets bulldozed the site many times, but the silent resistance movement of the crosses continued.  
It is a place where it can feel the resentment of the "oppressed people."
The barbaric act of the Chinese woman was seen as an insult not only to Hong Kong but also to Lithuania.
Initially, Lithuania did not have strong ties with Taiwan.
The Taipei Representative Office, the representative office of Taiwanese authorities in the Baltic States, is located in Latvia. Many of its citizens do not even know the difference between Taiwan and Hong Kong.
On the other hand, for the past 30 years, Tibet and Lithuania have nurtured a bond as "people oppressed by a great power."
It all started in 1990 when Lithuania declared the restoration of its independence from the Soviet Union.
The Dalai Lama, the supreme leader of Tibetan Buddhism, sent a message to the leader of the independence movement, Vytautas Landsbergis (later Speaker of the Lithuanian Parliament), encouraging "nonviolent resistance."
It was the first declaration of independence in the Soviet zone, and at first, none of the countries recognized it.
The Dalai Lama had just been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1989, and the Lithuanians, who had been isolated and helpless, were greatly encouraged.
In 1991, when independence became a reality with the recognition of the U.S. and Europe, the Dalai Lama visited the parliament building in Vilnius to honor the leaders of independence.
Because of this historical friendship, Lithuania has accepted the Dalai Lama's visits even amid its pro-China policy.
In Vilnius, there is even a park commemorating the support for Tibet.
As China increased its oppression and intimidation of Hong Kong, Xinjiang, and Taiwan, it was only natural that people began to look at China more coldly.
When I visited the Taiwan Representative Office established in Vilnius and spoke with Representative Huang Jun-yao, he smiled and said, "I was surprised to hear people repeatedly calling out to me on the street, saying, 'Hang in there.
The 89-year-old independence leader, Mr. Landsbergis, also visited the representative office for encouragement.
Representative Huang is a well-known figure in Lithuania.
One of the reasons for Lithuania's move away from China is that the benefits of the One Belt, One Road initiative have been disappointing.
China accounts for only about 1% of Lithuania's total exports.
Most of these are wooden furniture and copper products.
It is not surprising that Taiwan's high-tech industries, such as semiconductors, are attractive to Lithuania.
The Canary of Democracy
Lithuania clearly launched pro-Taiwan diplomacy only after the center-right "Homeland Union" won the parliamentary elections in October 2020 and established a new government.
Gabriellius Landsbergis, the grandson of the "Independent Leader," took office as Foreign Minister and raised human rights diplomacy.
As soon as he took office, Mr. Landsbergis declared that the "17 plus one" of China and Central and Eastern Europe was "dividing the E.U." and announced that he would withdraw from the 17 plus one.
Last July, he announced his intention to accept the establishment of the E.U.'s first "Taiwan Representative Office.
When China launched a fierce economic retaliation, the pro-Taiwan policy changed.
Speaking on local radio at the beginning of the year, President Nausheda said that accepting the name "Taiwan" was a "mistake. It was a big blow to relations with China," he said, and instructed Foreign Minister Landsbergis to come up with a solution.
The president met with U.S. President Biden during his visit to the U.K. last November and proudly told his domestic audience that he had gained support for his Taiwan policy. Still, he changed his attitude when China's retaliation caused unrest in the country.
China blocked shipments originating from Lithuania at customs and pressured German companies operating in Lithuania to stop doing business with the country.
Support for the government's Taiwan policy plummeted to 13% in the poll.
Associate Professor Andrijauskas of Vilnius University said, "The president and the foreign minister are political rivals.
Taiwan was used as a political bargaining chip. The fact that the president did not present a solution himself is an indication of this," he said.
President Nausheda is a former central bank board member and took office during the previous center-left government.
After his victory in the parliamentary election, Foreign Minister Lansbergis went on to form a new government with current Prime Minister Simonite, who was once Mr. Nausheda's opponent in the presidential election.
According to the associate professor, "Initially, Lithuania did not expect China's pressure to be so strong. But, according to the associate professor, "Lithuania did not expect China's pressure to be so strong at the beginning, and it was too optimistic." The president, reacting to public opinion, blamed the foreign minister.
It seems that he saw an opportunity to push his rival into a corner.
It is the kind of political infighting that occurs in every country, but it is not quickly resolved in the case of China-Taiwan relations.
The confrontation between the president and the foreign minister is becoming a "proxy war" between the U.S. and China.
After Nausheda's remarks, a spokesman for the Chinese Foreign Ministry immediately praised the move as "a step in the right direction" and urged the renaming of the Taiwan Representative Office.
Soon after, USTR representative Catherine Tai called Foreign Minister Lansbergis to express support for Lithuania in the face of "Chinese economic intimidation."
She also announced that Japan, the U.S., and the E.U. would strengthen their partnership to counter China's unfair trade practices.
The E.U. could not remain silent.
Initially, Lithuania's proximity to Taiwan was viewed coldly by diplomats from E.U. member states as "a standing play to the Biden administration." Still, when China exerted trade pressure, it became an issue for the E.U. common market.
The European Commission has indicated that it will not hesitate to file a complaint with the World Trade Organization (WTO) against China.
In the first place, the E.U. is fed up with China's high-handed "war-wolf diplomacy" in the wake of the new coronavirus disaster.
At present, the E.U. is enacting a new law to retaliate against economic pressure from third countries through trade, and Lithuania has become a test case.
Germany, which has maintained pro-China diplomacy, has changed since Merkel left office.
In January, the new German Chancellor Scholz sent a deputy minister of the Ministry of Economics to Vilnius to meet with Foreign Minister Landsbergis to express "solidarity with Lithuania.
Lithuania has been at the forefront of international politics.
In an interview with the U.S. magazine Foreign Policy last year, Foreign Minister Landsbergis claimed that "Lithuania will be the canary in the coal mine."
What he said has become a reality, and this small country is sounding the alarm about the danger of an "authoritarian domino" in an uncertain world.
If Lithuania changes Taiwan policy under Chinese pressure, it will not only be a nation's decision, but the democratic world will succumb to the authoritarian state.
Russia will find weakness and follow Ukraine to shake up the former Soviet Baltic states. 
When the canaries stop chirping, the democratic circle will face a crisis.
Naturally, the future of Lithuania is directly related to Japan's security.
We cannot stand by and watch.

Mina Mitsui
Born in 1967.
She graduated from Hitotsubashi University.
She Served as the Yomiuri Shimbun's Jerusalem bureau chief and Paris bureau chief.
She Joined the Sankei Shimbun in 2016, author of "Islamizing Europe" (Shincho Shinsho) and other books.
Her latest book is "Is Defeat a Sin?" (Sankei Shimbun Publishing).

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Until a few years ago, Lithuania had been pursuing pro-China diplomacy.

2022年02月02日 20時51分53秒 | 全般

The following is from a particular feature article on Japan-Taiwan relations in the monthly magazine "Sound Argument," released yesterday.
It opens with an article by Ms. Mina Mitsui, the Paris bureau chief of the Sankei Shimbun.
She is a real woman journalist.
Learn from Lithuania, a country that turned pro-Taiwan
Lithuania, one of the three Baltic states of the former Soviet Union, has adopted a pro-Taiwan policy and confronts China head-on.
Last fall, when Lithuania approved the establishment of a representative office bearing the name "Taiwan," it was fiercely criticized by China as a violation of the "One China" policy. Change the name.
The U.S. and Europe have announced their support for Lithuania, and the struggle of the small country has now become a touchstone for the democratic circle to confront the authoritarian state.
What is happening in Lithuania, more than 6,000 kilometers away from China?
I went there to find out.
A domino of threats
If a map of Lithuania immediately comes to your mind, you must be quite an internationalist.
The northern latitude is almost the same as the northernmost tip of Sakhalin.
It is located at the eastern edge of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (E.U.) and borders Belarus.
It has a population of about 2.8 million, less than that of Ibaraki Prefecture.
At the end of December last year, I visited the capital, Vilnius.
The day was as dark as evening, and the cold wind of 5 degrees below zero chapped my cheeks.
Walking along the snow-covered sidewalks, I saw the Parliament building across the square, nearly falling several times.
The vast, intimidating concrete structure is a remnant of the Cold War era.
It once housed the Lithuanian-Soviet Supreme Council and was called the "Soviet Palace.
I visited the Capitol to interview Mr. Matas Mardeykis, a member of the parliament who chairs the Committee on China-Taiwan Relations.
Mr. Mardeykis is a member of the center-right "Fatherland Alliance," the first ruling party, and had just led a delegation of Baltic parliamentarians to Taiwan. After Mr. Mardeykis called on Latvian and Estonian lawmakers to join him, it realized the commission. 
They are ten participating lawmakers, including six from Lithuania's ruling and opposition parties.
Mr. Mardeykis is 41 years old.
He has a friendly smile on his face, but his eyes are sharp behind his round glasses.
He seemed to be still reeling from the excitement of his visit to Taiwan and opened by saying, "Support for Taiwan is not just sympathy for a small island that China threatens. It is an issue that directly affects the security of our country," he said.
When it says "security," it is not assuming that China will fire missiles at Lithuania.
He is accusing China and Russia of being linked and threatening the democratic circle.
As Russian President Vladimir Putin exerts both military and political pressure on Ukraine and Eastern Europe, Xi Jinping's administration is shaking up Taiwan in tandem.
Senator Mardeikis asserted, "This is not just a coincidence.
Russia remains the most significant threat for Lithuania even after the Soviet Union disappeared.
"During my visit to Taiwan, I held more than 30 meetings with President Tsai Ing-wen and senior government officials to hear about the threats facing Taiwan.
During my visit to Taiwan, I had more than 30 meetings with President Tsai Ing-wen and senior government officials to learn about Taiwan's threats, including cyber-attacks from China, the dissemination of disinformation, and military threats such as the intrusion of Chinese military aircraft into the air defense zone.
I was amazed at how similar Russia and China are in their methods of shaking up their democratic 'neighbors.'
Mr. Mardikis warned of a "domino effect" of Sino-Russian collaboration.
Saying, "The world is now divided into authoritarian nations such as China, Russia, and democracies. It is just as the world was once polarized into the U.S. and the Soviet Union. If democracy collapses somewhere, it will have a domino effect, and pressure will spread to other regions. If China crushes democracy in Taiwan, the impact will extend to small democracies in Eastern Europe, like our country. China and Russia are colluding to shake up their neighbors and see how the U.S. reacts. The democratic circles must unite to help Taiwan."
Lithuania is bordered on the west by the Russian enclave of Kaliningrad.
The Belarusian border on the east is only 20 kilometers away from the parliament building.
On the interview day, Belarus sent Middle Eastern migrants to the Lithuanian border to encourage a border breach.
Although Lithuania is a small country, it is susceptible to security issues.
In the background, there is a history of hardship. In the Middle Ages, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania prospered as one of the most powerful countries in Europe, but the Russian Empire annexed it at the end of the 18th century.
Lithuania achieved its long-cherished independence at the end of World War I, only to be invaded by the Soviet Union about 20 years later.
It is now a member of NATO, but in 2015, in response to the growing threat from Russia, it reinstated the conscription system that it had abolished.
As for China, the Ministry of Defense warned in its 2019 report that espionage is growing in the country.
It said that the small country of Lithuania is being used as a base for collecting classified information for NATO and the E.U.
Furthermore, last September, the Ministry of Defense issued an unprecedented recommendation to its citizens, telling them not to use Chinese smartphones and destroy those who own them.
It warned that the products of Chinese manufacturer Xiaomi had built-in detection functions for terms such as "Long Live Taiwan Independence" and "Free Tibet" and could be remotely controlled.
At the root of Lithuania's pro-Taiwan policy is a sense of crisis over the U.S.'s "departure" from Europe.
The U.S., the ally of NATO, has shifted its focus to Asia to concentrate on strategic competition with China. 
For this reason, France and Germany on the European side are committed to Europe's security. Still, Lithuania's, the United States, and Europe division is a nightmare scenario.
By appealing that "the crisis between Russia and China is one" through support for Taiwan, Lithuania's aim to hold the U.S.-European alliance together is transparent.
Both of Mr. Mardikis's parents are economists, and he served as a member of the European Parliament after Lithuania acceded to the E.U.
It instilled the firm belief that the nation's fate depends on the U.S.-European alliance in him from childhood.
The Spirit of Anti-Communism
In Japan, the mention of Lithuania probably reminds many people of Chiune Sugihara, the diplomat who issued the "Visa for Life" to Jewish refugees.
Sugihara was posted to the Lithuanian consulate in 1939 and was forced to leave after only one year.
The Soviet Union annexed Lithuania in 1940 under the secret protocol of the Treaty of Non-Aggression between Germany and the Soviet Union. During the Soviet era, Lithuania was forced into communism and Russian education for half a century and trampled on nationalism.
The humiliating experience is still engraved in the minds of the people.
In fact, Taiwan's population is nine times larger than Lithuania's, and its Gross Regional Product (GRP) is 11 times more prominent. Still, the Lithuanian people have a strong sympathy for the "small democracy" that fights against the Communist Party, which is the foundation of their pro-Taiwan policy.
Dvirė Shakalien is a good example. She belongs to the center-left opposition party and is a parliamentary rival of Mr. Mardikis. 
Still, they are comrades in pro-Taiwanese policies, and she participated in a parliamentary delegation to Taiwan.
She is now 43 years old, with blond hair and a smile on her face, but when she talks about China, her face turns grim.
"I grew up hearing about the horrors of Soviet oppression from my grandparents. The scary thing about communism is that it seeks to expand its power, crush humanity, and eradicate those who rebel against it. So we can't just sit back and watch the Chinese Communist Party intimidate Taiwan."
Senator Shakalien's grandfather refused to serve in the Red Army and forced labor in Siberia.
Her grandmother was also branded a dissident and sent to Siberia.
Her brothers slipped up and spoke ill of the Soviet Union, and someone told them, and they were arrested. 
When I was 11 years old, it declared independence.
I will never forget my grandfather shedding tears like a child, saying, 'It's like a dream, my wish is finally coming true."
Ms. Shakalien studied in the United States during her high school years and inhaled the wind of liberalism.
After graduating from university, she worked for a government-affiliated human rights organization.
Since becoming a member of the Diet, she has been calling for human rights diplomacy.
Last May, when the Lithuanian Parliament adopted a resolution calling for an investigation of genocide in China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, she was the proponent of the solution.
Ties to Tibet
Until a few years ago, Lithuania had been pursuing pro-China diplomacy.
It has participated in the 17 plus 1 economic cooperation framework between China and 17 Eastern European countries every year since it held the first summit in Warsaw in 2012. 
It has also signed a memorandum of understanding with China on the "One Belt, One Road" initiative.
The honeymoon relationship took a turn when an "incident" occurred in August 2019.
Konstantinos Andriyauskas, an associate professor at the University of Vilnius, said, "The Chinese embassy blocked a public rally in support of democracy in Hong Kong. The impact on the people was huge," he said.
The incident took place in front of the Parliament building in Vilnius.
At that time, democratization demand demonstrations were intensifying in Hong Kong, and on that day, Vilnius citizens were gathering in the square with the flags of Hong Kong and Tibet.
Suddenly, a group of more than a dozen Chinese people, holding up a red Chinese flag, burst in and shouted, "Hong Kong belongs to China forever.
When the rally participants were startled and tried to take pictures of the Chinese group with their smartphones, the Chinese grabbed them.
The incident was reported on television nationwide. 
The Chinese embassy initially denied any involvement.
However, an investigative report by a T.V. station revealed that the Chinese ambassador to Lithuania was near the scene.
It also discovered that a car with diplomatic plates carried Chinese flags and distributed them to Chinese students. 
The Lithuanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs called the Chinese ambassador and protested directly.
About 500 Chinese people are living in Lithuania.
The way the foreign embassies used their organizational networks to intervene in foreign countries was just like the Soviet Union of old.
At the end of the year, there was another uproar.
A female Chinese tourist visiting Lithuania acted in a way that trampled on the pro-democracy movement, and it broadcasted the video of her act on the Internet. 
At a memorial site called "Hill of Crosses" west of Vilnius, the woman found a 30-centimeter cross with the words "Freedom for Hong Kong" written on it, pulled it out, and threw it away, laughing and saying, "They say they are Hong Kong people."
There was so much outrage in Lithuania that the police searched to identify the woman.
The Hill of Crosses is called the "national sanctuary" in Lithuania.
It is about 200 kilometers west of Vilnius.
As I drove through the open fields, black hills suddenly appeared.
As you approach the hill, you can see more than 100,000 crosses of all sizes.
It is said that it began in the 19th century when it uprised in imperial Russia and brought a cross in memory of the victims who were killed. During the Soviet era, the bereaved families of political prisoners sent to Siberia visited.
The Soviets bulldozed the site many times, but the silent resistance movement of the crosses continued.  
It is a place where it can feel the resentment of the "oppressed people."
The barbaric act of the Chinese woman was seen as an insult not only to Hong Kong but also to Lithuania.
Initially, Lithuania did not have strong ties with Taiwan.
The Taipei Representative Office, the representative office of Taiwanese authorities in the Baltic States, is located in Latvia. Many of its citizens do not even know the difference between Taiwan and Hong Kong.
On the other hand, for the past 30 years, Tibet and Lithuania have nurtured a bond as "people oppressed by a great power."
It all started in 1990 when Lithuania declared the restoration of its independence from the Soviet Union.
The Dalai Lama, the supreme leader of Tibetan Buddhism, sent a message to the leader of the independence movement, Vytautas Landsbergis (later Speaker of the Lithuanian Parliament), encouraging "nonviolent resistance."
It was the first declaration of independence in the Soviet zone, and at first, none of the countries recognized it.
The Dalai Lama had just been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1989, and the Lithuanians, who had been isolated and helpless, were greatly encouraged.
In 1991, when independence became a reality with the recognition of the U.S. and Europe, the Dalai Lama visited the parliament building in Vilnius to honor the leaders of independence.
Because of this historical friendship, Lithuania has accepted the Dalai Lama's visits even amid its pro-China policy.
In Vilnius, there is even a park commemorating the support for Tibet.
As China increased its oppression and intimidation of Hong Kong, Xinjiang, and Taiwan, it was only natural that people began to look at China more coldly.
When I visited the Taiwan Representative Office established in Vilnius and spoke with Representative Huang Jun-yao, he smiled and said, "I was surprised to hear people repeatedly calling out to me on the street, saying, 'Hang in there.
The 89-year-old independence leader, Mr. Landsbergis, also visited the representative office for encouragement.
Representative Huang is a well-known figure in Lithuania.
One of the reasons for Lithuania's move away from China is that the benefits of the One Belt, One Road initiative have been disappointing.
China accounts for only about 1% of Lithuania's total exports.
Most of these are wooden furniture and copper products.
It is not surprising that Taiwan's high-tech industries, such as semiconductors, are attractive to Lithuania.
This article continues.

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So we can't just sit back and watch the Chinese Communist Party intimidate Taiwan.

2022年02月02日 20時05分31秒 | 全般

The following is from a particular feature article on Japan-Taiwan relations in the monthly magazine "Sound Argument," released yesterday.
It opens with an article by Ms. Mina Mitsui, the Paris bureau chief of the Sankei Shimbun.
She is a real woman journalist.
Learn from Lithuania, a country that turned pro-Taiwan
Lithuania, one of the three Baltic states of the former Soviet Union, has adopted a pro-Taiwan policy and confronts China head-on.
Last fall, when Lithuania approved the establishment of a representative office bearing the name "Taiwan," it was fiercely criticized by China as a violation of the "One China" policy. Change the name.
The U.S. and Europe have announced their support for Lithuania, and the struggle of the small country has now become a touchstone for the democratic circle to confront the authoritarian state.
What is happening in Lithuania, more than 6,000 kilometers away from China?
I went there to find out.
A domino of threats
If a map of Lithuania immediately comes to your mind, you must be quite an internationalist.
The northern latitude is almost the same as the northernmost tip of Sakhalin.
It is located at the eastern edge of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (E.U.) and borders Belarus.
It has a population of about 2.8 million, less than that of Ibaraki Prefecture.
At the end of December last year, I visited the capital, Vilnius.
The day was as dark as evening, and the cold wind of 5 degrees below zero chapped my cheeks.
Walking along the snow-covered sidewalks, I saw the Parliament building across the square, nearly falling several times.
The vast, intimidating concrete structure is a remnant of the Cold War era.
It once housed the Lithuanian-Soviet Supreme Council and was called the "Soviet Palace.
I visited the Capitol to interview Mr. Matas Mardeykis, a member of the parliament who chairs the Committee on China-Taiwan Relations.
Mr. Mardeykis is a member of the center-right "Fatherland Alliance," the first ruling party, and had just led a delegation of Baltic parliamentarians to Taiwan. After Mr. Mardeykis called on Latvian and Estonian lawmakers to join him, it realized the commission. 
They are ten participating lawmakers, including six from Lithuania's ruling and opposition parties.
Mr. Mardeykis is 41 years old.
He has a friendly smile on his face, but his eyes are sharp behind his round glasses.
He seemed to be still reeling from the excitement of his visit to Taiwan and opened by saying, "Support for Taiwan is not just sympathy for a small island that China threatens. It is an issue that directly affects the security of our country," he said.
When it says "security," it is not assuming that China will fire missiles at Lithuania.
He is accusing China and Russia of being linked and threatening the democratic circle.
As Russian President Vladimir Putin exerts both military and political pressure on Ukraine and Eastern Europe, Xi Jinping's administration is shaking up Taiwan in tandem.
Senator Mardeikis asserted, "This is not just a coincidence.
Russia remains the most significant threat for Lithuania even after the Soviet Union disappeared.
"During my visit to Taiwan, I held more than 30 meetings with President Tsai Ing-wen and senior government officials to hear about the threats facing Taiwan.
During my visit to Taiwan, I had more than 30 meetings with President Tsai Ing-wen and senior government officials to learn about Taiwan's threats, including cyber-attacks from China, the dissemination of disinformation, and military threats such as the intrusion of Chinese military aircraft into the air defense zone.
I was amazed at how similar Russia and China are in their methods of shaking up their democratic 'neighbors.'
Mr. Mardikis warned of a "domino effect" of Sino-Russian collaboration.
Saying, "The world is now divided into authoritarian nations such as China, Russia, and democracies. It is just as the world was once polarized into the U.S. and the Soviet Union. If democracy collapses somewhere, it will have a domino effect, and pressure will spread to other regions. If China crushes democracy in Taiwan, the impact will extend to small democracies in Eastern Europe, like our country. China and Russia are colluding to shake up their neighbors and see how the U.S. reacts. The democratic circles must unite to help Taiwan."
Lithuania is bordered on the west by the Russian enclave of Kaliningrad.
The Belarusian border on the east is only 20 kilometers away from the parliament building.
On the interview day, Belarus sent Middle Eastern migrants to the Lithuanian border to encourage a border breach.
Although Lithuania is a small country, it is susceptible to security issues.
In the background, there is a history of hardship. In the Middle Ages, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania prospered as one of the most powerful countries in Europe, but the Russian Empire annexed it at the end of the 18th century.
Lithuania achieved its long-cherished independence at the end of World War I, only to be invaded by the Soviet Union about 20 years later.
It is now a member of NATO, but in 2015, in response to the growing threat from Russia, it reinstated the conscription system that it had abolished.
As for China, the Ministry of Defense warned in its 2019 report that espionage is growing in the country.
It said that the small country of Lithuania is being used as a base for collecting classified information for NATO and the E.U.
Furthermore, last September, the Ministry of Defense issued an unprecedented recommendation to its citizens, telling them not to use Chinese smartphones and destroy those who own them.
It warned that the products of Chinese manufacturer Xiaomi had built-in detection functions for terms such as "Long Live Taiwan Independence" and "Free Tibet" and could be remotely controlled.
At the root of Lithuania's pro-Taiwan policy is a sense of crisis over the U.S.'s "departure" from Europe.
The U.S., the ally of NATO, has shifted its focus to Asia to concentrate on strategic competition with China. 
For this reason, France and Germany on the European side are committed to Europe's security. Still, Lithuania's, the United States, and Europe division is a nightmare scenario.
By appealing that "the crisis between Russia and China is one" through support for Taiwan, Lithuania's aim to hold the U.S.-European alliance together is transparent.
Both of Mr. Mardikis's parents are economists, and he served as a member of the European Parliament after Lithuania acceded to the E.U.
It instilled the firm belief that the nation's fate depends on the U.S.-European alliance in him from childhood.
The Spirit of Anti-Communism
In Japan, the mention of Lithuania probably reminds many people of Chiune Sugihara, the diplomat who issued the "Visa for Life" to Jewish refugees.
Sugihara was posted to the Lithuanian consulate in 1939 and was forced to leave after only one year.
The Soviet Union annexed Lithuania in 1940 under the secret protocol of the Treaty of Non-Aggression between Germany and the Soviet Union. During the Soviet era, Lithuania was forced into communism and Russian education for half a century and trampled on nationalism.
The humiliating experience is still engraved in the minds of the people.
In fact, Taiwan's population is nine times larger than Lithuania's, and its Gross Regional Product (GRP) is 11 times more prominent. Still, the Lithuanian people have a strong sympathy for the "small democracy" that fights against the Communist Party, which is the foundation of their pro-Taiwan policy.
Dvirė Shakalien is a good example. She belongs to the center-left opposition party and is a parliamentary rival of Mr. Mardikis. 
Still, they are comrades in pro-Taiwanese policies, and she participated in a parliamentary delegation to Taiwan.
She is now 43 years old, with blond hair and a smile on her face, but when she talks about China, her face turns grim.
"I grew up hearing about the horrors of Soviet oppression from my grandparents. The scary thing about communism is that it seeks to expand its power, crush humanity, and eradicate those who rebel against it. So we can't just sit back and watch the Chinese Communist Party intimidate Taiwan."
Senator Shakalien's grandfather refused to serve in the Red Army and forced labor in Siberia.
Her grandmother was also branded a dissident and sent to Siberia.
Her brothers slipped up and spoke ill of the Soviet Union, and someone told them, and they were arrested. 
When I was 11 years old, it declared independence.
I will never forget my grandfather shedding tears like a child, saying, 'It's like a dream, my wish is finally coming true."
Ms. Shakalien studied in the United States during her high school years and inhaled the wind of liberalism.
After graduating from university, she worked for a government-affiliated human rights organization.
Since becoming a member of the Diet, she has been calling for human rights diplomacy.
Last May, when the Lithuanian Parliament adopted a resolution calling for an investigation of genocide in China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, she was the proponent of the solution.
This article continues.

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China and Russia are colluding to shake up their neighbors and see how the U.S. reacts

2022年02月02日 19時32分51秒 | 全般

The following is from a particular feature article on Japan-Taiwan relations in the monthly magazine "Sound Argument," released yesterday.
It opens with an article by Ms. Mina Mitsui, the Paris bureau chief of the Sankei Shimbun.
She is a real woman journalist.
Learn from Lithuania, a country that turned pro-Taiwan
Lithuania, one of the three Baltic states of the former Soviet Union, has adopted a pro-Taiwan policy and confronts China head-on.
Last fall, when Lithuania approved the establishment of a representative office bearing the name "Taiwan," it was fiercely criticized by China as a violation of the "One China" policy. Change the name.
The U.S. and Europe have announced their support for Lithuania, and the struggle of the small country has now become a touchstone for the democratic circle to confront the authoritarian state.
What is happening in Lithuania, more than 6,000 kilometers away from China?
I went there to find out.
A domino of threats
If a map of Lithuania immediately comes to your mind, you must be quite an internationalist.
The northern latitude is almost the same as the northernmost tip of Sakhalin.
It is located at the eastern edge of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (E.U.) and borders Belarus.
It has a population of about 2.8 million, less than that of Ibaraki Prefecture.
At the end of December last year, I visited the capital, Vilnius.
The day was as dark as evening, and the cold wind of 5 degrees below zero chapped my cheeks.
Walking along the snow-covered sidewalks, I saw the Parliament building across the square, nearly falling several times.
The vast, intimidating concrete structure is a remnant of the Cold War era.
It once housed the Lithuanian-Soviet Supreme Council and was called the "Soviet Palace.
I visited the Capitol to interview Mr. Matas Mardeykis, a member of the parliament who chairs the Committee on China-Taiwan Relations.
Mr. Mardeykis is a member of the center-right "Fatherland Alliance," the first ruling party, and had just led a delegation of Baltic parliamentarians to Taiwan. After Mr. Mardeykis called on Latvian and Estonian lawmakers to join him, it realized the commission. 
They are ten participating lawmakers, including six from Lithuania's ruling and opposition parties.
Mr. Mardeykis is 41 years old.
He has a friendly smile on his face, but his eyes are sharp behind his round glasses.
He seemed to be still reeling from the excitement of his visit to Taiwan and opened by saying, "Support for Taiwan is not just sympathy for a small island that China threatens. It is an issue that directly affects the security of our country," he said.
When it says "security," it is not assuming that China will fire missiles at Lithuania.
He is accusing China and Russia of being linked and threatening the democratic circle.
As Russian President Vladimir Putin exerts both military and political pressure on Ukraine and Eastern Europe, Xi Jinping's administration is shaking up Taiwan in tandem.
Senator Mardeikis asserted, "This is not just a coincidence.
Russia remains the most significant threat for Lithuania even after the Soviet Union disappeared.
"During my visit to Taiwan, I held more than 30 meetings with President Tsai Ing-wen and senior government officials to hear about the threats facing Taiwan.
During my visit to Taiwan, I had more than 30 meetings with President Tsai Ing-wen and senior government officials to learn about Taiwan's threats, including cyber-attacks from China, the dissemination of disinformation, and military threats such as the intrusion of Chinese military aircraft into the air defense zone.
I was amazed at how similar Russia and China are in their methods of shaking up their democratic 'neighbors.'
Mr. Mardikis warned of a "domino effect" of Sino-Russian collaboration.
Saying, "The world is now divided into authoritarian nations such as China, Russia, and democracies. It is just as the world was once polarized into the U.S. and the Soviet Union. If democracy collapses somewhere, it will have a domino effect, and pressure will spread to other regions. If China crushes democracy in Taiwan, the impact will extend to small democracies in Eastern Europe, like our country. China and Russia are colluding to shake up their neighbors and see how the U.S. reacts. The democratic circles must unite to help Taiwan."
Lithuania is bordered on the west by the Russian enclave of Kaliningrad.
The Belarusian border on the east is only 20 kilometers away from the parliament building.
On the interview day, Belarus sent Middle Eastern migrants to the Lithuanian border to encourage a border breach.
Although Lithuania is a small country, it is susceptible to security issues.
In the background, there is a history of hardship. In the Middle Ages, the Grand Duchy of Lithuania prospered as one of the most powerful countries in Europe, but the Russian Empire annexed it at the end of the 18th century.
Lithuania achieved its long-cherished independence at the end of World War I, only to be invaded by the Soviet Union about 20 years later.
It is now a member of NATO, but in 2015, in response to the growing threat from Russia, it reinstated the conscription system that it had abolished.
As for China, the Ministry of Defense warned in its 2019 report that espionage is growing in the country.
It said that the small country of Lithuania is being used as a base for collecting classified information for NATO and the E.U.
Furthermore, last September, the Ministry of Defense issued an unprecedented recommendation to its citizens, telling them not to use Chinese smartphones and destroy those who own them.
It warned that the products of Chinese manufacturer Xiaomi had built-in detection functions for terms such as "Long Live Taiwan Independence" and "Free Tibet" and could be remotely controlled.
At the root of Lithuania's pro-Taiwan policy is a sense of crisis over the U.S.'s "departure" from Europe.
The U.S., the ally of NATO, has shifted its focus to Asia to concentrate on strategic competition with China. 
For this reason, France and Germany on the European side are committed to Europe's security. Still, the United States and Europe division is seen as a nightmare scenario for Lithuania.
By appealing that "the crisis between Russia and China is one" through support for Taiwan, Lithuania's aim to hold the U.S.-European alliance together is transparent.
Both of Mr. Mardikis's parents are economists, and he served as a member of the European Parliament after Lithuania acceded to the E.U.
It instilled the firm belief that the nation's fate depends on the U.S.-European alliance in him from childhood.
This article continues.

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興和、「イベルメクチン」のオミクロン株への抗ウイルス効果を確認

2022年02月02日 15時50分21秒 | 全般

以下は今しがた発見した北村晴男さんのツイートからである。
北村晴男さんがリツィート
有本 香 Kaori Arimoto
@arimoto_kaori
朗報です。
昨夏、興和さんの治験が行われるタイミングで、北里研究所の花木秀明先生を取材し、虎ノ門Nで報じた際には散々叩かれました。
虎ノ門では、YouTubeの停止を避けるため、YouTube以外でのみ放送という策をとりましたが、今後は全開で扱えるということでしょうか。
news.yahoo.co.jp
興和、「イベルメクチン」のオミクロン株への抗ウイルス効果を確認(ロイター) - Yahoo!ニュース
[東京 31日 ロイター] - 興和(名古屋市)は31日、新型コロナウイルス感染症の治療薬として第3相臨床試験を行っている「イベルメクチン」について、北里大学との共同研究(非臨床試験)から、

興和、「イベルメクチン」のオミクロン株への抗ウイルス効果を確認(ロイター) - Yahoo!ニュース

 

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ビックリした‼️朝日新聞は未だに「東京オリンピックの中止を煽った事」を正当だったと主張している

2022年02月02日 15時37分08秒 | 全般

以下は今しがた発見した北村晴男さんのツイートからである

@kitamuraharuo
ビックリした‼️朝日新聞は未だに「東京オリンピックの中止を煽った事」を正当だったと主張している。

引用ツイート
飯山陽 Dr. Akari IIYAMA 初のエッセイ『エジプトの空の下』3刷決定!
アリバイ工作の如く北京五輪に懸念を示す朝日。
東京五輪に対しては社説で首相に中止しろ!と喚いたのに、北京五輪に対しては懸念だけで、しかも中国政府を非難できないもんだから論点をずらしてIOCガーとか拝金主義ガーとか責任転嫁する。
拝金主義はあんただよ、朝日さん。
 https://asahi.com/articles/DA3S15189122.html

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アメーバでの公式ハッシュタグランクイン記事一覧 2022/2/2

2022年02月02日 15時21分43秒 | 全般

公式ハッシュタグランクイン記事一覧

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それと比べれば、仏さんのことを呼び捨てて断罪する山口二郎さんという人は、人間の屑以外の何者でもない

2022年02月02日 15時17分52秒 | 全般

以下は今しがた発見した石平太郎さんのツイートからである

@liyonyon
石原慎太郎氏の死去について、「違った立場があるものの、今日は言うのは控えたい」という志位さんの一言は実に立派。
常識人の振る舞いだ。
それと比べれば、仏さんのことを呼び捨てて断罪する山口二郎さんという人は、人間の屑以外の何者でもないのである。

引用ツイート
政局太郎
@0EcCFMDXqkwB1v5
人間力の差。山口氏の方がよほど侮辱で不快だ
好き嫌いは自由だが、亡くなったばかりの人に言うことではない
不破氏も竹下氏死去の際「予算委員会でよく議論したが楽しかった」と悼んだ
中曽根氏は土井氏について「立場や思想は異なるけれども、立派な社会党の委員長だと敬意を表していた」と追悼
https://pbs.twimg.com/media/FKj-CeRaIAMtFBz?format=jpg&name=medium

 

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ਉਹ ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਇਸ 'ਤੇ ਚਰਚਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਨਾ ਚਾਹੁੰਦੇ ਹਨ।

2022年02月02日 13時24分45秒 | 全般

ਹੇਠਾਂ ਮਾਸਿਕ ਮੈਗਜ਼ੀਨ ਹਾਨਾਡਾ ਦੇ ਮੌਜੂਦਾ ਅੰਕ ਵਿੱਚ ਗਯੋ ਸੁਤਸੁਮੀ ਅਤੇ ਕੋਸ਼ੀ ਕੁਬੋ ਵਿਚਕਾਰ ਲੜੀਵਾਰ ਗੱਲਬਾਤ ਤੋਂ ਹੈ।
ਮੈਂ ਪਹਿਲਾਂ ਹੀ ਜ਼ਿਕਰ ਕੀਤਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਅੰਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਇੱਕ ਪਾਰਟ-ਟਾਈਮ ਵਿਦਿਆਰਥੀ ਮਿਲਿਆ ਜੋ "ਸਭਿਅਤਾ ਦੇ ਟਰਨਟੇਬਲ" ਪ੍ਰੋਜੈਕਟ ਵਿੱਚ ਮੇਰੀ ਮਦਦ ਕਰ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ।
ਇਤਫ਼ਾਕ ਨਾਲ, ਮਿਸਟਰ ਸੁਤਸੁਮੀ ਮੇਰੇ ਅਲਮਾ ਮੈਟਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਇੱਕ ਸੀਨੀਅਰ ਹੈ, ਅਤੇ ਮਿਸਟਰ ਕੁਬੋ ਪਾਰਟ-ਟਾਈਮਰ ਤੋਂ ਉੱਤਮ ਹਨ।
ਪਾਠ ਵਿੱਚ ਜ਼ੋਰ ਮੇਰਾ ਹੈ, ਸਿਰਲੇਖ ਨੂੰ ਛੱਡ ਕੇ.
ਸਮੱਸਿਆ ਹੈ ਕੋਮੀ ਪਾਰਟੀ, ਚੀਨ ਦੀ ਪ੍ਰੌਕਸੀ।
ਚੀਨ ਪੱਖੀ ਤਿਕੜੀ ਦੀ "ਸਰਗਰਮੀ"
ਕੁਬੋ
ਮੈਂ ਸਾਲ ਦੇ ਅੰਤ ਅਤੇ ਨਵੇਂ ਸਾਲ ਦੀਆਂ ਛੁੱਟੀਆਂ ਦੌਰਾਨ ਨਹੀਂ ਤੁਰਦਾ ਸੀ, ਇਸ ਲਈ ਮੇਰੀਆਂ ਲੱਤਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਪੈਰ ਪੂਰੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਕਮਜ਼ੋਰ ਹੋ ਗਏ ਸਨ। ਮੈਂ ਮੁਸ਼ਕਿਲ ਨਾਲ ਇਸਨੂੰ ਇੱਥੇ ਬਣਾ ਸਕਿਆ (ਹੱਸਦਾ)
ਸੁਤਸੁਮੀ
ਜਦੋਂ ਮੈਂ ਬਿਡੇਨ ਦੇ ਤੁਰਨ ਦਾ ਇੱਕ ਵੀਡੀਓ ਦੇਖਦਾ ਹਾਂ, ਤਾਂ ਉਹ ਲੋੜ ਤੋਂ ਵੱਧ ਆਪਣੇ ਗੋਡੇ ਚੁੱਕਦਾ ਹੈ।
ਮੇਰੀ ਪਤਨੀ ਨੇ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਦੱਸਿਆ ਕਿ ਉਹ ਆਪਣੀਆਂ ਲੱਤਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਪੈਰਾਂ ਦੀ ਕਮਜ਼ੋਰੀ ਦੀ ਭਰਪਾਈ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਅਜਿਹਾ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ।
ਅਸੀਂ ਇਸਨੂੰ ਘਰ ਵਿੱਚ "ਬਿਡੇਨ ਵਾਕ" ਕਹਿੰਦੇ ਹਾਂ।
ਇਹ ਮਾਈਕਲ ਜੈਕਸਨ ਦੇ ਚੰਦਰਮਾ ਵਾਂਗ ਹੈ, ਪਰ ਬਿਡੇਨ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ.
ਮੱਛੀ ਸਿਰ ਤੋਂ ਸੜਦੀ ਹੈ ਪਰ ਇਨਸਾਨ ਪੈਰਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਸੜਦਾ ਹੈ। ਮੈਂ ਵੀ ਨਹੀਂ ਤੁਰਦਾ, ਇਸ ਲਈ ਮੈਨੂੰ ਜੰਗਾਲ ਲੱਗ ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ (ਹੱਸਦਾ ਹੈ)।
ਸੰਪਾਦਕ
ਬੀਜਿੰਗ ਵਿੰਟਰ ਓਲੰਪਿਕ ਨੇੜੇ ਆ ਰਹੇ ਹਨ, ਪਰ ਜਾਪਾਨ ਸਰਕਾਰ ਨੇ ਆਖ਼ਰਕਾਰ ਕੈਬਨਿਟ ਮੈਂਬਰਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਸਰਕਾਰੀ ਅਧਿਕਾਰੀਆਂ ਸਮੇਤ ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀ ਸਰਕਾਰੀ ਅਧਿਕਾਰੀ ਨੂੰ ਨਾ ਭੇਜਣ ਦਾ ਫੈਸਲਾ ਕੀਤਾ ਹੈ।
ਹਾਲਾਂਕਿ, ਉਹ ਓਲੰਪਿਕ ਅਤੇ ਪੈਰਾਲੰਪਿਕਸ ਲਈ ਟੋਕੀਓ ਪ੍ਰਬੰਧਕੀ ਕਮੇਟੀ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨ ਸੇਕੋ ਹਾਸ਼ੀਮੋਟੋ ਨੂੰ ਭੇਜਣਗੇ; ਯਾਸੂਹੀਰੋ ਯਾਮਾਸ਼ੀਤਾ, ਜਾਪਾਨੀ ਓਲੰਪਿਕ ਕਮੇਟੀ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨ; ਅਤੇ ਕਾਜ਼ਯੁਕੀ ਮੋਰੀ, ਜਾਪਾਨੀ ਪੈਰਾਲੰਪਿਕ ਕਮੇਟੀ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨ।
ਕੁਬੋ।
ਫੈਸਲਾ ਦੇਰ ਨਾਲ ਹੈ, ਅਤੇ ਇੱਥੋਂ ਤੱਕ ਕਿ ਸੇਕੋ ਹਾਸ਼ੀਮੋਟੋ ਵੀ ਇੱਕ ਸਿਆਸਤਦਾਨ ਹੈ, ਇਸ ਲਈ ਇਹ ਇੱਕ ਪੂਰਨ ਸਿਆਸੀ ਬਾਈਕਾਟ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੈ।
ਇਹ ਇੱਕ ਬੇਰਹਿਮ, ਚੌਥੇ ਦਰਜੇ ਦਾ, ਕਾਇਰਤਾ ਭਰਿਆ ਫੈਸਲਾ ਹੈ।
ਸੁਤਸੁਮੀ
ਅੰਤ ਵਿੱਚ, ਕਿਸ਼ੀਦਾ ਨੇ ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀ ਸਰਕਾਰੀ ਅਧਿਕਾਰੀ ਨੂੰ ਨਾ ਭੇਜਣ ਦਾ ਫੈਸਲਾ ਕੀਤਾ, ਪਰ ਇਸ ਫੈਸਲੇ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਜੋ ਝਿਜਕ ਅਤੇ ਖਾਲੀਪਣ ਪੈਦਾ ਹੋਇਆ, ਉਹ ਬੇਲੋੜਾ ਸੀ।
ਬ੍ਰਿਟੇਨ ਦੇ ਜੌਹਨਸਨ, ਆਸਟ੍ਰੇਲੀਆ ਦੇ ਮੌਰੀਸਨ ਅਤੇ ਕੈਨੇਡਾ ਦੇ ਟਰੂਡੋ ਨੇ ਤੁਰੰਤ ਕੂਟਨੀਤਕ ਬਾਈਕਾਟ ਦਾ ਐਲਾਨ ਕੀਤਾ।
ਇਸ ਤੋਂ ਇਲਾਵਾ, ਲਿਥੁਆਨੀਆ ਅਤੇ ਨਿਊਜ਼ੀਲੈਂਡ ਚੀਨ ਦੇ ਮਨੁੱਖੀ ਅਧਿਕਾਰਾਂ ਦੇ ਘਾਣ ਦੀ ਆਲੋਚਨਾ ਦੇ ਦਾਇਰੇ ਵਿਚ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਹੋਏ।
ਫਿਰ ਵੀ ਕਿਸ਼ੀਦਾ ਇਹ ਕਹਿ ਕੇ ਝਿਜਕਦੀ ਰਹਿੰਦੀ ਹੈ, "ਮੈਂ ਵੱਖ-ਵੱਖ ਸਥਿਤੀਆਂ 'ਤੇ ਵਿਆਪਕ ਤੌਰ 'ਤੇ ਵਿਚਾਰ ਕਰਨ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰੀ ਹਿੱਤ ਦੇ ਦ੍ਰਿਸ਼ਟੀਕੋਣ ਤੋਂ ਢੁਕਵੇਂ ਸਮੇਂ 'ਤੇ ਫੈਸਲਾ ਕਰਨਾ ਚਾਹਾਂਗਾ।"
ਇਹ ਸਿਆਸੀ ਪ੍ਰਤੀਕਰਮਾਂ ਦੀ ਗੱਲ ਹੈ।
ਸ਼ਿੰਜੋ ਆਬੇ ਨੇ ਤੁਰੰਤ ਬਾਈਕਾਟ ਦਾ ਐਲਾਨ ਕੀਤਾ ਹੋਵੇਗਾ।
ਵਾਸਤਵ ਵਿੱਚ, ਆਬੇ ਨੇ ਬੀ.ਐਸ. 'ਤੇ ਕਿਸ਼ਿਦਾ ਦੀ ਅਸੰਵੇਦਨਸ਼ੀਲਤਾ ਦੀ ਆਲੋਚਨਾ ਕੀਤੀ। ਨਿਪੋਨ ਟੈਲੀਵਿਜ਼ਨ ਨੇ ਕਿਹਾ, “ਸਮਾਂ ਖਰੀਦਣ ਦਾ ਕੀ ਫਾਇਦਾ (ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰੀ ਹਿੱਤ) ਹੈ?
ਸ਼ਾਇਦ ਇਸ ਦੇ ਬਾਵਜੂਦ, ਤਿੰਨ ਐਲਡੀਪੀ ਸੰਸਦ ਮੈਂਬਰਾਂ ਨੇ 14 ਦਸੰਬਰ ਨੂੰ ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਦਫ਼ਤਰ ਦਾ ਦੌਰਾ ਕੀਤਾ ਅਤੇ ਕਿਸ਼ਿਦਾ ਨੂੰ ਇੱਕ ਕੂਟਨੀਤਕ ਬਾਈਕਾਟ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਇੱਕ ਸਾਂਝਾ ਬਿਆਨ ਸੌਂਪਿਆ।
ਉਹ ਸਨ ਕੇਜੀ ਫੁਰੂਆ (ਜਾਪਾਨ ਉਇਗਰ ਪਾਰਲੀਮੈਂਟਰੀ ਯੂਨੀਅਨ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨ), ਹੀਰੋਫੂਮੀ ਸ਼ਿਮੋਮੁਰਾ (ਤਿੱਬਤ ਸੰਸਦੀ ਸੰਘ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨ), ਅਤੇ ਸਨੇ ਤਾਕਾਈਚੀ (ਦੱਖਣੀ ਮੰਗੋਲੀਆ ਸੰਸਦੀ ਸੰਘ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨ)।
ਅੰਤ ਵਿੱਚ, ਕਿਸ਼ਿਦਾ ਆਬੇ ਨੂੰ ਮਿਲਣ ਗਈ ਅਤੇ ਆਬੇ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰੇਰਨਾ 'ਤੇ ਸਰਕਾਰੀ ਅਧਿਕਾਰੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਨਾ ਭੇਜਣ ਦਾ ਫੈਸਲਾ ਕੀਤਾ।
ਜਦੋਂ ਇੱਕ ਰਿਪੋਰਟਰ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਪੁੱਛਿਆ ਗਿਆ ਕਿ ਕੀ ਇਹ ਇੱਕ ਕੂਟਨੀਤਕ ਬਾਈਕਾਟ ਸੀ, ਤਾਂ ਕਿਸ਼ਿਦਾ ਨੇ ਜਵਾਬ ਦਿੱਤਾ, "ਮੈਂ ਉਸ ਸਮੀਕਰਨ ਦੀ ਵਰਤੋਂ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਾਂਗੀ।"
ਭਗੌੜਾ ਭਾਸ਼ਾ ਜੋ ਅਮਰੀਕਾ ਅਤੇ ਚੀਨ ਨੂੰ ਪੈਂਡਿੰਗ ਕਰਦੀ ਹੈ, ਸਿਰਫ ਦੋਵਾਂ ਪਾਸਿਆਂ ਤੋਂ ਨਫ਼ਰਤ ਨੂੰ ਸੱਦਾ ਦਿੰਦੀ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਇਸਦੀ ਕੋਈ ਯੋਗਤਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੈ।
ਸ਼ੀ ਜਿਨਪਿੰਗ ਸ਼ਾਸਨ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਸ਼ਿਨਜਿਆਂਗ ਉਇਗਰ ਆਟੋਨੋਮਸ ਖੇਤਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਨਸਲਕੁਸ਼ੀ ਅਤੇ ਹੋਰ ਮਨੁੱਖੀ ਅਧਿਕਾਰਾਂ ਦੀ ਉਲੰਘਣਾ ਦੀ ਨਿੰਦਾ ਕਰਨ ਵਾਲੇ ਡਾਇਟ ਮਤੇ ਨੂੰ ਅਪਣਾਉਣ ਨੂੰ ਨਵੇਂ ਸਕੱਤਰ-ਜਨਰਲ, ਤੋਸ਼ਿਮਿਤਸੁ ਮੋਟੇਗੀ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਦੁਬਾਰਾ ਰੋਕ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਗਿਆ ਸੀ।
ਸਾਬਕਾ ਸਕੱਤਰ-ਜਨਰਲ ਤੋਸ਼ੀਹੀਰੋ ਨਿਕਾਈ ਅਤੇ ਮੋਟੂ ਹਯਾਸ਼ੀ (ਡਿਪਟੀ ਸੈਕਟਰੀ-ਜਨਰਲ) ਦੁਆਰਾ ਪਿਛਲੇ ਜੂਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਚੀਨ ਦੀ ਨਿੰਦਾ ਕਰਨ ਵਾਲੇ ਮਤੇ ਨੂੰ ਰੱਦ ਕਰ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਗਿਆ ਸੀ। ਫਿਰ ਵੀ, ਤੋਸ਼ਿਮਿਤਸੁ ਮੋਟੇਗੀ ਨੇ ਇਸ ਵਾਰ ਇਸਨੂੰ ਰੱਦ ਕਰਦੇ ਹੋਏ ਕਿਹਾ, “ਸਮੱਗਰੀ ਚੰਗੀ ਹੈ, ਪਰ ਇਹ ਸਮੇਂ ਦੀ ਗੱਲ ਹੈ।
ਟਾਈਮਿੰਗ? ਇਸ ਕਦਮ ਦੀ ਨਿੰਦਾ ਕਰਨ ਵਾਲੇ ਯੂਰਪ ਅਤੇ ਸੰਯੁਕਤ ਰਾਜ ਦੇ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਆਵਾਜ਼ ਉਠਾਉਣ ਦਾ ਹੁਣ ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਵਧੀਆ ਸਮਾਂ ਹੈ।
ਯੋਸ਼ੀਮਾਸਾ ਹਯਾਸ਼ੀ, ਜਿਸ ਨੇ ਵਿਦੇਸ਼ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਬਣਨ ਲਈ ਜਾਪਾਨ-ਚੀਨ ਦੋਸਤੀ ਪ੍ਰੀਸ਼ਦ ਦੇ ਚੇਅਰਮੈਨ ਦੇ ਅਹੁਦੇ ਤੋਂ ਅਸਤੀਫਾ ਦੇ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਸੀ, ਇੱਕ ਮਸ਼ਹੂਰ ਚੀਨ ਪੱਖੀ ਸ਼ਖਸੀਅਤ ਹੈ।
ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਹਾਲ ਹੀ 'ਚ ਚੀਨ ਦੇ ਵਿਦੇਸ਼ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਵਾਂਗ ਯੀ ਤੋਂ ਚੀਨ ਦਾ ਦੌਰਾ ਕਰਨ ਦਾ ਸੱਦਾ ਮਿਲਿਆ ਅਤੇ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੇ ਚਿਹਰੇ 'ਤੇ ਮੁਸਕਰਾਹਟ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਇਸ ਦਾ ਐਲਾਨ ਕੀਤਾ।
ਜਾਪਾਨ ਦੇ ਸਹਿਯੋਗੀ, ਸੰਯੁਕਤ ਰਾਜ ਅਮਰੀਕਾ ਵਿੱਚ ਉਸਦੇ ਹਮਰੁਤਬਾ, ਰਾਜ ਦੇ ਸਕੱਤਰ ਬਲਿੰਕਨ, ਇਸ ਨੂੰ ਕਿਵੇਂ ਵੇਖਣਗੇ?
ਉਹ ਨਾਰਾਜ਼ ਹੋਵੇਗਾ ਕਿ ਆਰਡਰ ਉਲਟ ਗਿਆ ਹੈ, ਅਤੇ ਹਯਾਸ਼ੀ ਬਹੁਤ ਵਿਚਾਰਵਾਨ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੈ।
ਜਵਾਬਾਂ ਦੀ ਇਹ ਲੜੀ ਚੀਨ 'ਤੇ ਕਿਸ਼ਿਦਾ ਪ੍ਰਸ਼ਾਸਨ ਦੇ ਰੁਖ ਨੂੰ ਦਰਸਾਉਂਦੀ ਹੈ।
ਆਬੇ ਦੀ ਵਿਰਾਸਤ ਦਾ ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਮਹੱਤਵਪੂਰਨ ਹਿੱਸਾ ਇੱਕ ਆਜ਼ਾਦ ਅਤੇ ਖੁੱਲ੍ਹੇ ਇੰਡੋ-ਪੈਸੀਫਿਕ ਦਾ ਉਸਦਾ ਦ੍ਰਿਸ਼ਟੀਕੋਣ ਹੈ।
ਉੱਥੋਂ, ਇਹ ਚੀਨ ਨੂੰ ਘੇਰਨ ਲਈ QUAD, AUKUS ਅਤੇ ਹੋਰ ਉਪਾਵਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਵਿਕਸਤ ਹੋਇਆ।
ਕਿਸ਼ੀਦਾ ਪ੍ਰਸ਼ਾਸਨ ਆਬੇ ਦੀ ਵਿਰਾਸਤ ਨੂੰ ਰਸਤੇ ਦੇ ਕਿਨਾਰੇ ਡਿੱਗਣ ਦੇ ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ।
ਜਿਵੇਂ ਕਿ ਕਿਸੇ ਨੇ ਇੱਕ ਵਾਰ ਕਿਹਾ ਸੀ, ਯੋਸ਼ੀਮਾਸਾ ਹਯਾਸ਼ੀ "ਨੀ ਹਾਓ" (ਹੈਲੋ), ਤੋਸ਼ੀਮਿਤਸੁ ਮੋਟੇਗੀ "ਸ਼ੇ ਸ਼ੇ" (ਧੰਨਵਾਦ), ਅਤੇ ਫੂਮੀਓ ਕਿਸ਼ਿਦਾ "ਵਾਨ ਸ਼ੇ" (ਹੁਰੇ) ਹੈ।
ਵਿਡੰਬਨਾ ਇਹ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਚੀਨ ਪੱਖੀ ਤਿਕੜੀ ਇਕੱਠੇ ਖੜ੍ਹੇ ਹਨ।
ਮੂਲ ਰੂਪ ਵਿੱਚ, ਕਿਸ਼ੀਦਾ ਦਾ ਸਮੂਹ, ਕੋਚੀ-ਕਾਈ, ਚੀਨ ਪੱਖੀ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਭਰਿਆ ਹੋਇਆ ਸੀ, ਜਿਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਵਿੱਚੋਂ ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਪ੍ਰਮੁੱਖ ਕੀਚੀ ਮੀਆਜ਼ਾਵਾ ਸੀ।
ਜਦੋਂ ਚੀਨ ਨੂੰ ਤਿਆਨਮਨ ਸਕੁਏਅਰ ਘਟਨਾ ਲਈ ਮਨਜ਼ੂਰੀ ਦਿੱਤੀ ਗਈ ਸੀ ਅਤੇ ਬਾਕੀ ਦੁਨੀਆ ਤੋਂ ਅਲੱਗ-ਥਲੱਗ ਕਰ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਗਿਆ ਸੀ, ਤਾਂ ਜਾਪਾਨ ਨੇ ਜੀਵਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਅਗਵਾਈ ਕੀਤੀ ਸੀ।

ਪਾਬੰਦੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਲਾਗੂ ਕੀਤਾ, ਅਤੇ ਮੀਆਜ਼ਾਵਾ ਕੈਬਨਿਟ ਨੇ ਚੀਨ ਨੂੰ ਅੰਤਰਰਾਸ਼ਟਰੀ ਭਾਈਚਾਰੇ ਵਿੱਚ ਮੁੜ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਹੋਣ ਵਿੱਚ ਮਦਦ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਸਮਰਾਟ ਦਾ ਦੌਰਾ ਵੀ ਕੀਤਾ।
ਬਦਲੇ 'ਚ ਚੀਨ ਨੇ ਕੀ ਕੀਤਾ?
ਇਹ ਪੂਰੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਜਾਪਾਨੀ ਸਿੱਖਿਆ ਵਿਰੋਧੀ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਸੇਨਕਾਕੂ ਟਾਪੂਆਂ ਦੀ ਮਲਕੀਅਤ ਦਾ ਦਾਅਵਾ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ।
ਕੀਚੀ ਮੀਆਜ਼ਾਵਾ ਮੂਰਖਤਾ ਵਿੱਚ ਅੰਤਮ ਸੀ.
ਮੈਂ ਮਦਦ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰ ਸਕਦਾ ਪਰ ਸੋਚਦਾ ਹਾਂ ਕਿ ਕਿਸ਼ਿਦਾ ਅਤੇ ਯੋਸ਼ੀਮਾਸਾ ਹਯਾਸ਼ੀ ਨੂੰ ਵੀ ਕੋਚੀ-ਕਾਈ ਦਾ ਡੀਐਨਏ ਵਿਰਾਸਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਮਿਲਿਆ ਹੈ।
ਸਮਰਾਟ ਦੀ ਚੀਨ ਫੇਰੀ ਦੇ ਪਿੱਛੇ
ਕੁਬੋ
ਅਕਤੂਬਰ 1992 ਵਿੱਚ ਸਮਰਾਟ ਅਕੀਹਿਤੋ ਦੀ ਚੀਨ ਫੇਰੀ ਦੀ ਯੋਜਨਾ ਉਦੋਂ ਸ਼ੁਰੂ ਹੋਈ ਜਦੋਂ ਕੈਫੂ ਇੰਚਾਰਜ ਸੀ, ਇਸ ਲਈ ਇਹ ਸਿਰਫ਼ ਮੀਆਜ਼ਾਵਾ ਦੀ ਗੱਲ ਨਹੀਂ ਸੀ।
ਇਹ ਕਿਹਾ ਗਿਆ ਸੀ ਕਿ ਵਿਦੇਸ਼ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਮਿਚਿਓ ਵਾਤਾਨਾਬੇ ਨੇ ਇਸ ਵਿਚਾਰ ਦੀ ਸ਼ੁਰੂਆਤ ਕੀਤੀ ਸੀ।
ਉਸ ਸਮੇਂ ਦੇ ਵਿਦੇਸ਼ ਮੰਤਰਾਲੇ ਦਾ ਹਮਲਾਵਰ ਰੁਖ ਅਤੇ ਮੀਆਜ਼ਾਵਾ, ਜਿਸ ਨੇ ਇਸ ਨੂੰ ਬਣਾਇਆ, ਉਹ ਸਿਰਫ਼ ਉਸ ਰੇਲਿੰਗ 'ਤੇ ਚੱਲ ਰਹੇ ਹਨ ਜੋ ਵਿਛਾਈਆਂ ਗਈਆਂ ਸਨ।
ਤਾਂ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਭਜਾਉਣ ਵਾਲਾ ਕੌਣ ਸੀ?
ਪ੍ਰਚਲਿਤ ਸਿਧਾਂਤ ਇਹ ਜਾਪਦਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਨੋਬੋਰੂ ਤਾਕੇਸ਼ੀਤਾ ਅਤੇ ਕਾਨੇਮਾਰੂ ਸ਼ਿਨ ਨੂੰ ਪਿਛਲੇ ਸਾਲ ਦੇ ਅੰਤ ਤੋਂ ਡੇਂਗ ਜ਼ਿਆਓਪਿੰਗ ਦੇ ਪੁੱਤਰਾਂ, ਧੀਆਂ, ਅਤੇ ਸਹਾਇਕਾਂ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਅਕਸਰ ਅਫਵਾਹ ਕੀਤੀ ਜਾਂਦੀ ਸੀ।
ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਵਜੋਂ ਚੀਨ ਦੀ ਆਪਣੀ ਫੇਰੀ ਦੌਰਾਨ, ਟੇਕੇਸ਼ੀਤਾ ਨੇ 810 ਬਿਲੀਅਨ ਯੇਨ ਦੇ ਯੇਨ ਕਰਜ਼ਿਆਂ ਦੇ ਤੀਜੇ ਦੌਰ ਦੀ ਪੇਸ਼ਕਸ਼ ਕੀਤੀ। ਫਿਰ ਵੀ, ਜਦੋਂ ਤਿਆਨਮੇਨ ਸਕੁਏਅਰ ਕਾਂਡ ਕਾਰਨ ਉਹ ਕਰਜ਼ਾ ਫਰੀਜ਼ ਹੋ ਗਿਆ ਸੀ, ਤਾਂ ਉਸ ਨੇ ਕਰਜ਼ਾ ਉਤਾਰਨ ਲਈ ਵਿਦੇਸ਼ ਮੰਤਰਾਲੇ ਕੋਲ ਲਾਬਿੰਗ ਕੀਤੀ ਅਤੇ ਅਜਿਹਾ ਕੀਤਾ।
ਉਸ ਸਮੇਂ, ਇਹ ਕਿਹਾ ਗਿਆ ਸੀ ਕਿ ਉਸ ਨੇ ਲੈਣ-ਦੇਣ ਦੇ ਸਾਧਨ ਵਜੋਂ ਜੋ ਕੁਝ ਵਰਤਿਆ, ਉਹ ਦੂਜੇ ਕੈਫੂ ਕੈਬਨਿਟ ਦੇ ਫੇਰਬਦਲ ਨਾਲ ਸਹਿਯੋਗ ਸੀ।
ਹਾਲਾਂਕਿ, ਮੀਆਜ਼ਾਵਾ ਪ੍ਰਸ਼ਾਸਨ ਦੇ ਦੌਰਾਨ ਇਹ ਵਿਧੀ ਕਈ ਵਾਰ ਵਰਤੀ ਗਈ ਸੀ।
ਸੰਖੇਪ ਵਿੱਚ, ਸਮਰਾਟ ਦੀ ਚੀਨ ਫੇਰੀ ਲਿਬਰਲ ਡੈਮੋਕ੍ਰੇਟਿਕ ਪਾਰਟੀ ਅਤੇ ਵਪਾਰਕ ਭਾਈਚਾਰੇ ਲਈ ਇੱਕ "ਟਰੰਪ ਕਾਰਡ" ਸੀ, ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਜਾਪਾਨ, ਅਮਰੀਕਾ ਅਤੇ ਚੀਨ ਦੇ ਨੇੜੇ ਜਾਣ ਲਈ ਨਿਕਸਨ-ਕਿਸਿੰਗਰ ਬਲਿਟਜ਼ ਵਿੱਚ ਪਿੱਛੇ ਰਹਿ ਗਿਆ ਸੀ, ਨੇ ਇਸ ਤੋਂ ਸਿੱਖਿਆ ਸੀ। ਤਜਰਬਾ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਅਮਰੀਕਾ ਅਤੇ ਯੂਰਪ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਮੁਕਾਬਲਾ ਕਰਨ ਵਾਲੇ ਹਿੱਤਾਂ ਦੀ ਬੱਸ ਨੂੰ ਜਾਰੀ ਰੱਖਣਾ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ ਸੀ ਜਦੋਂ ਇਹ ਡੇਂਗ ਜ਼ਿਆਓਪਿੰਗ ਦੇ "ਸੁਧਾਰ ਅਤੇ ਖੁੱਲਣ" ਦੁਆਰਾ ਵਿਸ਼ਾਲ ਚੀਨੀ ਬਾਜ਼ਾਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਦਾਖਲ ਹੋਇਆ ਸੀ।
ਯੂਰਪ ਅਤੇ ਸੰਯੁਕਤ ਰਾਜ ਅਮਰੀਕਾ ਉਹਨਾਂ ਦਾ ਕੀ ਮਤਲਬ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਉਹਨਾਂ ਦਾ ਕੀ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੈ ਵਿਚਕਾਰ ਫਰਕ ਕਰਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਮਾਹਰ ਹਨ। ਜਦੋਂ ਕਿ ਉਹ ਤਿਆਨਮੇਨ ਵਰਗ ਦੇ ਵਿਰੋਧ ਪ੍ਰਦਰਸ਼ਨਾਂ ਦੀ ਸਪੱਸ਼ਟ ਤੌਰ 'ਤੇ ਨਿੰਦਾ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ, ਉਹ ਆਰਥਿਕ ਤੌਰ 'ਤੇ ਚੀਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਦਾਖਲ ਹੋਣ ਤੋਂ ਸੰਕੋਚ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ।
ਦੂਜੇ ਪਾਸੇ, ਜਾਪਾਨ ਬੀਜਿੰਗ ਵਿੰਟਰ ਓਲੰਪਿਕ ਦੇ ਮੌਜੂਦਾ ਬਾਈਕਾਟ ਤੱਕ ਵੀ, ਦੋਵਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਫਰਕ ਕਰਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਅਸਮਰੱਥ ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ, ਅਤੇ ਅੰਤਰਰਾਸ਼ਟਰੀ ਰਾਏ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਇੱਕਤਰਫਾ ਆਲੋਚਨਾ ਦਾ ਸ਼ਿਕਾਰ ਹੋਇਆ ਹੈ।
ਸੁਤਸੁਮੀ
1970 ਦੇ ਦਹਾਕੇ ਵਿੱਚ, Asahi Shimbun ਨੇ ਜਾਪਾਨ ਅਤੇ ਚੀਨ ਵਿਚਕਾਰ ਦੋਸਤੀ ਲਈ ਇੱਕ ਵੱਡਾ ਕਾਲ ਜਾਰੀ ਕੀਤਾ। ਜਾਪਾਨ ਅਤੇ ਚੀਨ ਵਿਚਾਲੇ ਕੂਟਨੀਤਕ ਸਬੰਧ ਬਹਾਲ ਕਰਨ ਨੂੰ ਲੈ ਕੇ ਪੂਰਾ ਦੇਸ਼ ਉਤਸ਼ਾਹਿਤ ਸੀ।
ਕਾਕੁਏਈ ਤਨਾਕਾ ਨੇ ਇਸਦਾ ਫਾਇਦਾ ਉਠਾਇਆ ਅਤੇ ਬਾਅਦ ਵਿੱਚ ਸੇਈਵਾ-ਕਾਈ ਉੱਤੇ ਸੱਤਾ ਵਿੱਚ ਆਇਆ, ਜਿਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਨੋਬੂਸੁਕੇ ਕਿਸ਼ੀ ਅਤੇ ਟੇਕੇਓ ਫੁਕੁਦਾ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਸਨ, ਜੋ ਵਿਸ਼ਵਾਸ ਕਰਦੇ ਸਨ ਕਿ ਤਾਈਵਾਨ ਦਾ ਧਿਆਨ ਰੱਖਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ।
ਮੈਂ ਬੁਨਸ਼ੁਨ ਵਿਖੇ ਇੱਕ ਰਿਪੋਰਟਰ ਸੀ ਜਦੋਂ ਅਸਾਹੀ ਨੇ ਜਾਪਾਨ ਅਤੇ ਚੀਨ ਦਰਮਿਆਨ ਦੋਸਤੀ ਲਈ ਇੱਕ ਵੱਡਾ ਕਾਲ ਜਾਰੀ ਕੀਤਾ, ਅਤੇ ਜਾਪਾਨ-ਚੀਨ ਮਿੱਤਰਤਾ ਪ੍ਰੀਸ਼ਦ ਦੇ ਮੈਂਬਰਾਂ ਨੇ ਇਸਦਾ ਫਾਇਦਾ ਉਠਾਇਆ। ਮੈਂ ਉਹਨਾਂ ਦੀ ਸਖ਼ਤ ਆਲੋਚਨਾ ਕਰਦੇ ਹੋਏ ਇੱਕ ਲੇਖ ਲਿਖਿਆ, ਅਤੇ ਮੇਰੇ ਉੱਤੇ ਸੇਈਚੀ ਤਾਗਾਵਾ, ਯੋਸ਼ੀਮੀ ਫੁਰੂਈ, ਅਤੇ ਅਸਾਹੀ ਦੇ ਹੋਰ ਕੌਂਸਲ ਮੈਂਬਰਾਂ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਮੁਕੱਦਮਾ ਚਲਾਇਆ ਗਿਆ ਅਤੇ ਅਦਾਲਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਖਤਮ ਹੋ ਗਿਆ।
ਮੁਕੱਦਮਾ ਇੱਕ ਖੜੋਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਖਤਮ ਹੋਇਆ, ਪਰ ਜ਼ਿਆਦਾਤਰ ਜਾਪਾਨੀ ਸਿਆਸਤਦਾਨ ਜਿਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੇ ਚੀਨ ਨਾਲ ਫਲਰਟ ਕੀਤਾ, ਕਾਕੂਏਈ ਤੋਂ ਸ਼ੁਰੂ ਹੋ ਕੇ, ਆਪਣੇ ਅਹੁਦੇ ਗੁਆ ਚੁੱਕੇ ਹਨ।
ਕਿਸ਼ੀਦਾ ਅਤੇ ਇੱਕ ਹੋਰ ਤਿਕੜੀ ਨੂੰ ਵੀ ਧਿਆਨ ਰੱਖਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ।

ਉਹ ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਇਸ 'ਤੇ ਚਰਚਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਨਾ ਚਾਹੁੰਦੇ ਹਨ।
ਕੁਬੋ
ਇਕ ਹੋਰ ਸਮੱਸਿਆ ਇਹ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਪ੍ਰਸ਼ਾਸਨ ਦੇ ਅਹੁਦਾ ਸੰਭਾਲਣ ਦੇ ਤਿੰਨ ਮਹੀਨਿਆਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਵੀ ਬਿਡੇਨ ਨਾਲ ਜਾਪਾਨ ਅਤੇ ਯੂਐਸ ਨੇਤਾਵਾਂ ਵਿਚਕਾਰ ਕੋਈ ਆਹਮੋ-ਸਾਹਮਣੇ ਮੀਟਿੰਗ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੋਈ ਹੈ।
ਇਹ ਕੋਈ ਹੈਰਾਨੀ ਦੀ ਗੱਲ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਬਿਡੇਨ ਅਵਿਸ਼ਵਾਸ਼ਯੋਗ ਹੈ ਜਦੋਂ ਉਹ ਅਤੇ ਬਿਡੇਨ ਕੂਟਨੀਤਕ ਬਾਈਕਾਟ ਵਰਗੀ ਸਧਾਰਨ ਚੀਜ਼ 'ਤੇ ਵੀ ਸਹਿਮਤ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੋ ਸਕਦੇ ਹਨ ਅਤੇ ਜਦੋਂ ਯੋਸ਼ੀਮਾਸਾ ਹਯਾਸ਼ੀ ਵਰਗਾ ਕੋਈ ਇਹ ਕਹਿਣ ਦਾ ਪ੍ਰਦਰਸ਼ਨ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਜਾਪਾਨ ਦੀ ਆਪਣੀ ਸਥਿਤੀ ਹੈ।
ਵੈਸੇ ਤਾਂ ਕਿਸ਼ੀਦਾ ਸੰਵਿਧਾਨ ਨੂੰ ਸੋਧਣ ਦੀ ਗੱਲ ਕਰ ਰਹੀ ਹੈ, ਪਰ ਮੈਂ ਹੈਰਾਨ ਹਾਂ ਕਿ ਉਹ ਇਸ ਬਾਰੇ ਕਿੰਨੇ ਗੰਭੀਰ ਹਨ।
ਸੁਤਸੁਮੀ
ਸੰਵਿਧਾਨਕ ਸੋਧ ਦੀ ਗੱਲ ਕਰਨਾ ਆਬੇ ਲਈ ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰਪਤੀ ਚੋਣ ਵਿੱਚ ਸਮਰਥਨ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਕਰਨ ਦੀ ਸ਼ਰਤ ਸੀ। ਇਸ ਲਈ ਉਸਨੂੰ ਕੁਝ ਕਹਿਣਾ ਪਿਆ।
ਹਾਲਾਂਕਿ, "ਬਸ ਇਹ ਕਹੋ" ਕਹਿ ਕੇ ਪ੍ਰੇਰਣਾ ਬਾਰੇ ਕਿਵੇਂ?
ਕੁਬੋ
ਹੇਠਲੇ ਸਦਨ ਦੀਆਂ ਚੋਣਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੇ ਇਹ ਆਖਰੀ ਵਾਅਦਾ ਕੀਤਾ ਸੀ।
ਚੋਣਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਇਸ ਨੂੰ ਵੱਡੇ ਪੱਧਰ 'ਤੇ ਨਜ਼ਰਅੰਦਾਜ਼ ਕੀਤਾ ਗਿਆ ਸੀ, ਅਤੇ ਵਿਰੋਧੀ ਪਾਰਟੀਆਂ ਨੇ ਚਰਚਾ ਵਿੱਚ ਹਿੱਸਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਲਿਆ ਸੀ।
ਦੂਜੇ ਸ਼ਬਦਾਂ ਵਿਚ ਸੱਤਾਧਾਰੀ ਪਾਰਟੀ ਵਿਰੋਧੀ ਧਿਰ ਦੇ ਰਿੰਗ ਵਿਚ ਆ ਗਈ ਹੈ।
ਅਜਿਹਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾ ਸਕਦਾ ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਵਿਰੋਧੀ ਧਿਰ ਚਰਚਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰੇਗੀ ਇਹ ਸਿਰਫ਼ ਇੱਕ ਬਹਾਨਾ ਹੈ।
ਸੁਤਸੁਮੀ
ਜਾਪਾਨ ਦੀ ਸੰਵਿਧਾਨਕ ਡੈਮੋਕ੍ਰੇਟਿਕ ਪਾਰਟੀ ਨੇ ਮੰਗ ਕੀਤੀ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਜਨਮਤ ਸੰਗ੍ਰਹਿ ਲਈ ਵਪਾਰਕ ਨਿਯਮਾਂ 'ਤੇ ਬਹਿਸ ਨੂੰ ਪਹਿਲ ਦਿੱਤੀ ਜਾਵੇ।
ਕਾਰਨ ਇਹ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਪ੍ਰਚਾਰ ਦੀ ਲੜਾਈ ਹੋਣ ਦੀ ਸੂਰਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਵੱਧ ਸਿਆਸੀ ਸਬਸਿਡੀਆਂ ਵਾਲੀ ਪਾਰਟੀ ਨੂੰ ਫਾਇਦਾ ਹੋਵੇਗਾ।
ਪਰ ਇਹ ਬਹਿਸ ਨੂੰ ਤੋੜਨ ਦਾ ਇੱਕ ਹੋਰ ਬਹਾਨਾ ਹੈ।
ਜੇਕਰ ਸੰਵਿਧਾਨ ਦੇ ਸੰਸ਼ੋਧਨ 'ਤੇ ਬਹਿਸ ਅੱਗੇ ਵਧਦੀ ਹੈ, ਤਾਂ ਇਹ ਆਖਰਕਾਰ ਆਰਟੀਕਲ-ਦਰ-ਆਰਟੀਕਲ ਚਰਚਾ ਬਣ ਜਾਵੇਗੀ।
ਜਦੋਂ ਅਜਿਹਾ ਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ, ਵਿਰੋਧੀ ਪਾਰਟੀਆਂ ਸੰਭਾਵਤ ਤੌਰ 'ਤੇ ਵੱਖ ਹੋ ਜਾਣਗੀਆਂ ਅਤੇ ਵੱਖ ਹੋ ਜਾਣਗੀਆਂ।
ਇਸੇ ਲਈ ਉਹ ਇਸ ਨੂੰ ਸਾਬੋਤਾਜ ਕਰਕੇ ਬਹਿਸ ਨੂੰ ਮੁਲਤਵੀ ਕਰਨ ਦੀ ਕੋਸ਼ਿਸ਼ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ।
ਸੰਖੇਪ ਵਿੱਚ, ਉਹ ਬਹਿਸ ਨੂੰ ਅੱਗੇ ਨਹੀਂ ਵਧਾਉਣਾ ਚਾਹੁੰਦੇ।
ਇਹੀ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੀ ਅਸਲੀਅਤ ਹੈ

ntion
ਇਸ ਲਈ ਕੁਬੋ-ਚੈਨ ਸਹੀ ਹੈ। ਜੇਕਰ ਕਿਸ਼ੀਦਾ ਸੱਚਮੁੱਚ ਸੰਵਿਧਾਨ ਨੂੰ ਸੋਧਣਾ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ, ਤਾਂ ਉਸ ਨੂੰ ਵਿਰੋਧੀ ਧਿਰ ਦੇ ਰਿੰਗ ਵਿੱਚ ਚੜ੍ਹ ਕੇ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਕੁਸ਼ਤੀ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਨੀ ਚਾਹੀਦੀ, ਸਗੋਂ ਆਪਣੇ ਰਿੰਗ ਵਿੱਚ ਆਪਣੇ ਆਪ ਨਾਲ ਕੁਸ਼ਤੀ ਕਰਨੀ ਚਾਹੀਦੀ ਹੈ।
ਕੁਬੋ
ਐਲਡੀਪੀ ਦੇ ਅੰਦਰ ਵੀ ਅਜਿਹੀਆਂ ਤਾਕਤਾਂ ਹਨ ਜੋ ਇਸ ਮੁੱਦੇ 'ਤੇ ਚਰਚਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਨਾ ਪਸੰਦ ਕਰਨਗੇ।
ਦੂਜੇ ਪਾਸੇ, ਕੁਝ ਲੋਕ ਆਬੇ ਦੀ ਸੋਧ ਯੋਜਨਾ ਬਾਰੇ ਨਰਮ ਹਨ ਅਤੇ ਸਿਧਾਂਤਕ ਅਤੇ ਕੱਟੜਪੰਥੀ ਸੋਧਾਂ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਆਉਂਦੇ ਹਨ ਜੋ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਦੀ ਵਿਸ਼ਾਲ ਸ਼੍ਰੇਣੀ ਦਾ ਸਮਰਥਨ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਕਰਨ ਦੀ ਸੰਭਾਵਨਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਰੱਖਦੇ, ਪਰ ਇਹ ਵੀ ਸ਼ੱਕੀ ਹੈ।
ਇਹ ਵੀ ਸ਼ੱਕੀ ਹੈ ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਉਹ ਚਰਚਾ ਨੂੰ ਮੁਲਤਵੀ ਕਰਨ ਦੇ ਬਰਾਬਰ ਦੇ ਦੋਸ਼ੀ ਹਨ; ਸ਼ਿਗੇਰੂ ਈਸ਼ੀਬਾ ਸ਼ੱਕੀ ਹੈ।
ਮੈਕਸ ਵੇਬਰ ਦੇ ਭਾਵਨਾਵਾਂ (ਵਿਸ਼ਵਾਸਾਂ) ਦੇ ਮਨੋਵਿਗਿਆਨ ਦੇ ਆਧਾਰ 'ਤੇ, ਕੱਟੜਪੰਥੀ ਵਕਾਲਤ ਸਰਗਰਮ ਦਿਖਾਈ ਦੇ ਸਕਦੀ ਹੈ। ਫਿਰ ਵੀ, ਉਹ ਕਦੇ-ਕਦੇ ਬਿੱਲ ਨੂੰ ਮਾਰਨ ਦਾ ਇੱਕ ਸੁਵਿਧਾਜਨਕ ਤਰੀਕਾ ਹੁੰਦੇ ਹਨ।
ਇਹ ਲੇਖ ਜਾਰੀ ਹੈ.

ਸੁਤਸੁਮੀ ਗਯੋ
ਉਸਨੇ 1961 ਵਿੱਚ ਟੋਕੀਓ ਯੂਨੀਵਰਸਿਟੀ, ਫੈਕਲਟੀ ਆਫ਼ ਲਾਅ ਤੋਂ ਗ੍ਰੈਜੂਏਸ਼ਨ ਕੀਤੀ।
ਉਸੇ ਸਾਲ, ਉਹ ਬੁੰਗੇਸ਼ੁੰਜੂ ਨਾਲ ਜੁੜ ਗਿਆ। ਬੁੰਗੇਸ਼ੁੰਜੂ ਦੇ ਮੁੱਖ ਸੰਪਾਦਕ, ਪਹਿਲਾਂ ਸੰਪਾਦਕੀ ਨਿਰਦੇਸ਼ਕ, ਅਤੇ ਫਿਰ ਪ੍ਰਕਾਸ਼ਨ ਵਿਭਾਗ ਦੇ ਜਨਰਲ ਮੈਨੇਜਰ ਵਜੋਂ ਸੇਵਾ ਕੀਤੀ। ਉਹ ਮੈਨੇਜਿੰਗ ਡਾਇਰੈਕਟਰ ਵਜੋਂ ਸੇਵਾ ਨਿਭਾਉਣ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਕੰਪਨੀ ਤੋਂ ਸੇਵਾਮੁਕਤ ਹੋਏ ਸਨ। ਉਹ ਕਈ ਕਿਤਾਬਾਂ ਦਾ ਲੇਖਕ ਹੈ, ਜਿਸ ਵਿੱਚ "ਸ਼ੋਆ ਯੁੱਗ ਦੇ ਤਿੰਨ ਮਹਾਨ: ਸੰਵਿਧਾਨ ਦੇ ਨੌਂ ਲੇਖ ਦੇਸ਼ ਨੂੰ ਬਚਾਉਣ ਲਈ ਇੱਕ ਚਾਲ ਸੀ। ਉਹ ਇਸ ਮੈਗਜ਼ੀਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਸੀਰੀਅਲ "ਐਨ ਐਡੀਟਰਜ਼ ਓਡੀਸੀ" ਲਈ ਜਾਣੇ ਜਾਂਦੇ ਹਨ।
ਕੁਬੋ ਕੋਸ਼ੀ
ਉਹ 1940 ਵਿੱਚ ਪੈਦਾ ਹੋਇਆ ਸੀ ਅਤੇ ਚੂਓ ਯੂਨੀਵਰਸਿਟੀ ਤੋਂ ਗ੍ਰੈਜੂਏਟ ਹੋਣ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਸਾਂਕੇਈ ਸ਼ਿੰਬੂਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਹੋਇਆ ਸੀ। ਉਹ ਰਾਜਨੀਤੀ ਸ਼ਾਸਤਰ ਵਿਭਾਗ ਵਿੱਚ ਅਤੇ ਇੱਕ ਸੰਪਾਦਕੀ ਅਤੇ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਸੰਪਾਦਕੀ ਬੋਰਡ ਦੇ ਮੈਂਬਰ ਵਜੋਂ ਸੇਵਾ ਕੀਤੀ ਗਈ ਸੀ। ਉਸਨੇ 2004 ਵਿੱਚ ਪੇਪਰ ਛੱਡ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਸੀ।
"ਕਾਕੂਈ ਤਨਾਕਾ ਅਤੇ ਉਸਦੇ ਵਿਦਿਆਰਥੀ" (ਬੁੰਗੀਸ਼ੁੰਜੂ) ਅਤੇ "ਦੁਨੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਪਰੇਸ਼ਾਨ ਕਰਨ ਵਾਲੀ" (ਫੂਸੋਸ਼ਾ) ਦੇ ਲੇਖਕ।

 

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Eles não querem discutir isso de qualquer maneira.

2022年02月02日 12時42分29秒 | 全般

O seguinte é de uma conversa em série entre Gyo Tsutsumi e Koshi Kubo na edição atual da revista mensal Hanada.
Já mencionei que finalmente encontrei um estudante de meio período que pode me ajudar com o projeto "Turntable of Civilization".
Coincidentemente, o Sr. Tsutsumi é um veterano na minha alma mater, e o Sr. Kubo é o superior do funcionário de meio período.
A ênfase no texto é minha, exceto no título.
O problema é o Partido Komei, procurador da China.
A "atividade" do trio pró-China
Kubo
Eu não andava durante os feriados de fim de ano e ano novo, então minhas pernas e pés ficaram completamente fracos. Eu mal consegui chegar aqui (risos).
Tsutsumi
Quando vejo um vídeo de Biden andando, ele levanta os joelhos mais do que o necessário.
Minha esposa me disse que ele faz isso para compensar a fraqueza de suas pernas e pés.
Nós chamamos isso de "caminhada de Biden" em casa.
É como o moonwalk de Michael Jackson, mas com Biden.
Os peixes apodrecem pela cabeça, mas os humanos apodrecem pelos pés. Eu também não ando, então estou começando a enferrujar (risos).
editor
Os Jogos Olímpicos de Inverno de Pequim estão se aproximando, mas o governo japonês decidiu não enviar nenhum funcionário do governo, incluindo membros do gabinete e funcionários do governo, afinal.
No entanto, eles enviarão Seiko Hashimoto, presidente do Comitê Organizador dos Jogos Olímpicos e Paralímpicos de Tóquio; Yasuhiro Yamashita, presidente do Comitê Olímpico Japonês; e Kazuyuki Mori, presidente do Comitê Paralímpico Japonês.
Kubo.
A decisão é tardia, e mesmo Seiko Hashimoto é um político, então não é um boicote político completo.
É uma decisão cautelosa, de quarta classe e covarde.
Tsutsumi
No final, Kishida decidiu não enviar nenhum funcionário do governo, mas a hesitação e vacilação que levaram a essa decisão foram impróprias.
O britânico Johnson, o australiano Morrison e o canadense Trudeau rapidamente anunciaram um boicote diplomático.
Além disso, a Lituânia e a Nova Zelândia se juntaram ao círculo de críticas aos abusos dos direitos humanos na China.
No entanto, Kishida continua hesitante, dizendo: "Gostaria de decidir em um momento apropriado do ponto de vista do interesse nacional, após considerar exaustivamente várias circunstâncias".
É uma questão de reflexos políticos.
Shinzo Abe teria anunciado imediatamente um boicote.
Na verdade, Abe criticou a indecisão de Kishida em B.S. Nippon Television, dizendo: "Qual é o benefício (interesse nacional) em ganhar tempo?
Talvez por despeito, três legisladores do LDP visitaram o Gabinete do Primeiro Ministro em 14 de dezembro e entregaram a Kishida uma declaração conjunta pedindo um boicote diplomático.
Eles eram Keiji Furuya (presidente da União Parlamentar Uigur do Japão), Hirofumi Shimomura (presidente da União Parlamentar do Tibete) e Sanae Takaichi (presidente da União Parlamentar da Mongólia do Sul).
No final, Kishida visitou Abe e decidiu não despachar funcionários do governo com a persuasão de Abe.
Quando perguntado por um repórter se isso era um boicote diplomático, Kishida respondeu: "Eu não usaria essa expressão".
A linguagem fugidia que favorece os EUA e a China apenas convida ao desprezo de ambos os lados e não tem mérito algum.
A adoção da resolução da Dieta condenando o genocídio e outras violações dos direitos humanos na Região Autônoma Uigur de Xinjiang pelo regime de Xi Jinping foi novamente bloqueada pelo novo secretário-geral, Toshimitsu Motegi.
A resolução condenando a China foi rejeitada em junho passado pelo ex-secretário-geral Toshihiro Nikai e Motoo Hayashi (vice-secretário-geral). Ainda assim, Toshimitsu Motegi rejeitou desta vez, dizendo: "O conteúdo é bom, mas é uma questão de tempo.
Tempo? Agora é o melhor momento para unir as vozes às da Europa e dos Estados Unidos que condenam a medida.
Yoshimasa Hayashi, que renunciou ao cargo de presidente do Conselho de Amizade Japão-China para se tornar ministro das Relações Exteriores, é uma figura pró-China bem conhecida.
Recentemente, ele recebeu um convite do ministro das Relações Exteriores chinês, Wang Yi, para visitar a China e anunciou isso com um sorriso no rosto.
Como o secretário de Estado Blinken, seu colega aliado do Japão, os Estados Unidos, veria isso?
Ele ficará ofendido por a ordem ser invertida, e Hayashi não é muito atencioso.
Esta série de respostas demonstra a posição do governo Kishida em relação à China.
A parte mais significativa do legado de Abe é sua visão de um Indo-Pacífico livre e aberto.
A partir daí, evoluiu para o QUAD, AUKUS e outras medidas para cercar a China.
A administração Kishida está deixando o legado de Abe cair no esquecimento.
Como alguém disse uma vez, Yoshimasa Hayashi é o "ni hao" (olá), Toshimitsu Motegi é o "shay shay" (obrigado) e Fumio Kishida é o "wan shay" (viva).
Ironicamente, o trio pró-China está unido.
Originalmente, o grupo de Kishida, Kochi-Kai, estava cheio de pessoas pró-China, sendo o mais proeminente Kiichi Miyazawa.
Quando a China foi sancionada pelo incidente da Praça Tiananmen e isolada do resto do mundo, o Japão assumiu a liderança na vida.

as sanções, e o gabinete de Miyazawa até visitou o imperador para ajudar a China a se juntar à comunidade internacional.
O que a China fez em troca?
É uma educação anti-japonesa completa e reivindicando a propriedade das Ilhas Senkaku.
Kiichi Miyazawa era o máximo em estupidez.
Não posso deixar de pensar que Kishida e Yoshimasa Hayashi também herdaram o DNA dos Kochi-Kai.
Por trás da visita do imperador à China
Kubo
O plano para a visita do imperador Akihito à China em outubro de 1992 começou quando Kaifu estava no comando, então não era apenas uma questão de Miyazawa sozinho.
Dizia-se que foi Michio Watanabe, o ministro das Relações Exteriores, quem deu início à ideia.
A postura agressiva do Ministério das Relações Exteriores na época e de Miyazawa, que fez acontecer, estão simplesmente andando sobre os trilhos que foram lançados.
Então, quem era a pessoa que os dirigia?
A teoria predominante parece ser que Noboru Takeshita e Kanemaru Shin eram frequentados pelos filhos, filhas e assessores de Deng Xiaoping desde o final do ano anterior.
Durante sua visita à China como primeiro-ministro, Takeshita ofereceu uma terceira rodada de empréstimos em ienes no valor de 810 bilhões de ienes. Ainda assim, quando esse empréstimo foi congelado devido ao incidente na Praça da Paz Celestial, ele pressionou o Ministério das Relações Exteriores para retirar o empréstimo e o fez acontecer.
Naquela época, dizia-se que o que ele usou como meio de transação foi sua cooperação com a segunda remodelação do gabinete de Kaifu.
Este método também foi usado muitas vezes durante a administração de Miyazawa.
Em suma, a visita do Imperador à China foi um "trunfo" para o Partido Liberal Democrata e para o empresariado, pois o Japão, deixado para trás na blitz de Nixon-Kissinger para se aproximar dos EUA e da China, aprendeu com isso experiência e queria acompanhar o ônibus de interesses concorrentes com os EUA e a Europa quando entrou no vasto mercado chinês através da "reforma e abertura" de Deng Xiaoping.
A Europa e os Estados Unidos são hábeis em distinguir entre o que significam e o que não significam. Enquanto eles condenam ostensivamente os protestos da Praça Tiananmen, eles não têm vergonha de entrar na China economicamente.
Por outro lado, o Japão não conseguiu distinguir entre os dois, mesmo com o atual boicote aos Jogos Olímpicos de Inverno de Pequim, e foi unilateralmente submetido a críticas da opinião internacional.
Tsutsumi
Na década de 1970, o Asahi Shimbun fez um grande apelo à amizade entre o Japão e a China. Todo o país estava entusiasmado com a restauração das relações diplomáticas entre o Japão e a China.
Kakuei Tanaka aproveitou isso e chegou ao poder sobre os Seiwa-kai posteriores, incluindo Nobusuke Kishi e Takeo Fukuda, que acreditavam que Taiwan deveria ser cuidada.
Eu era repórter em Bunshun quando o Asahi fez um grande apelo à amizade entre o Japão e a China, e os membros do Conselho de Amizade Japão-China se aproveitaram disso. Escrevi um artigo criticando-os duramente e fui processado por Seiichi Tagawa, Yoshimi Furui e outros membros do conselho de Asahi e acabei no tribunal.
O julgamento terminou em um impasse, mas a maioria dos políticos japoneses que flertaram com a China, começando com Kakuei, perderam seus cargos.
Kishida e outro trio também devem ter cuidado.

Eles não querem discutir isso de qualquer maneira.
Kubo
Outro problema é que não houve reunião cara a cara entre o Japão e os líderes dos EUA com Biden, mesmo três meses após a posse do governo.
Não é à toa que Biden está desconfiado quando ele e Biden não conseguem concordar em algo tão simples quanto um boicote diplomático e quando alguém como Yoshimasa Hayashi faz uma encenação dizendo que o Japão tem sua própria posição.
A propósito, Kishida está falando em revisar a Constituição, mas eu me pergunto o quão sério ele está falando sobre isso.
Tsutsumi
Falar em revisão constitucional era condição para que Abe conseguisse apoio na eleição presidencial. Então ele tinha que dizer alguma coisa.
No entanto, que tal motivação apenas dizendo "apenas diga"?
Kubo
Foi a última coisa que prometeram na eleição para a Câmara dos Deputados.
Foi amplamente ignorado na eleição, e os partidos da oposição não participaram da discussão.
Em outras palavras, o partido no poder entrou no ringue da oposição.
Isso não pode ser feito porque a oposição não vai discutir isso é apenas uma desculpa.
Tsutsumi
O Partido Democrático Constitucional do Japão exigiu que se dê prioridade ao debate sobre a regulamentação dos comerciais para o referendo.
A razão é que, no caso de uma batalha publicitária, o partido com mais subsídios políticos teria a vantagem.
Mas isso é apenas mais uma desculpa para sabotar o debate.
Se o debate sobre a revisão da Constituição avançar, acabará por se tornar uma discussão artigo por artigo.
Quando isso acontecer, os partidos da oposição provavelmente se dividirão e se desfarão.
É por isso que eles tentam adiar o debate sabotando-o.
Em suma, eles não querem prosseguir com o debate.
Essa é a sua real inte

ção.
Então Kubo-chan está certo. Se Kishida realmente pretende revisar a Constituição, ele não deve subir no ringue da oposição e lutar com eles, mas sim lutar consigo mesmo em seu próprio ringue.
Kubo
Há forças mesmo dentro do PDL que preferem não discutir o assunto.
Por outro lado, alguns são indiferentes ao plano de emendas de Abe e apresentam emendas de princípios e radicais que dificilmente ganharão o apoio de uma ampla gama de pessoas, mas isso também é suspeito.
Também é suspeito porque eles são igualmente culpados de adiar a discussão; Shigeru Ishiba é suspeito.
Com base na psicologia dos sentimentos (crenças) de Max Weber, a advocacia radical pode parecer proativa. Ainda assim, às vezes eles são apenas uma maneira conveniente de matar uma conta.
Este artigo continua.

Tsutsumi Gyo
Ele se formou na Universidade de Tóquio, Faculdade de Direito, em 1961.
No mesmo ano, ingressou na Bungeishunju. Atuou como editor-chefe da Bungeishunju, primeiro diretor editorial e depois gerente geral da divisão editorial. Ele se aposentou da empresa depois de atuar como diretor administrativo. Ele é o autor de vários livros, incluindo "Os Três Grandes da Era Showa: Os Nove Artigos da Constituição Foi um Truque para Salvar o País. Ele é conhecido pela série "Uma Odisseia do Editor" nesta revista.
Kubo Koshi
Ele nasceu em 1940 e ingressou no Sankei Shimbun depois de se formar na Universidade Chuo. Ele foi servido no Departamento de Ciência Política e como um editorial e membro do conselho editorial particular. Ele deixou o jornal em 2004.
Autor de "Kakuei Tanaka e seus alunos" (Bungeishunju) e "o mundo perturbador" (Fusosha).

 

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反正他們也不想討論。

2022年02月02日 12時40分47秒 | 全般

以下是本期月刊《Hanada》中Gyo Tsutsumi和Koshi Kubo的連環對話。
我已經提到了,我終於找到了一個可以幫助我完成“文明轉盤”項目的兼職學生。
巧合的是,Tsutsumi先生是我母校的學長,久保先生是兼職的上級。
正文中的重點是我的,除了標題。
問題在於中國的代理人公明黨。
親華三人組的“活動”
久保
年末年初不走路,腿腳都軟了。我在這裡勉強能做到(笑)。

當我看到拜登走路的視頻時,他抬高了膝蓋。
我的妻子告訴我,他這樣做是為了彌補他腿和腳的弱點。
我們在家裡稱之為“拜登步行”。
這就像邁克爾杰克遜的月球漫步,但與拜登一起。
魚從頭開始腐爛,但人從腳開始腐爛。我也不走路,所以我開始生鏽了(笑)。
編輯
北京冬奧會臨近,但日本政府畢竟決定不派出任何政府官員,包括內閣成員和政府官員。
不過,他們將派出東京奧組委主席橋本聖子;日本奧委會主席山下康弘;日本殘奧委員會主席森和之。
久保。
決定晚了,連橋本聖子都是政治家,所以也不是完全的政治抵制。
這是一個謹慎的、四等的、懦弱的決定。

最終,岸田決定不派任何政府官員,但導致這一決定的猶豫和猶豫是不合時宜的。
英國的約翰遜、澳大利亞的莫里森和加拿大的特魯多迅速宣布外交抵制。
此外,立陶宛和新西蘭也加入了批評中國侵犯人權的行列。
然而岸田繼續猶豫不決,他說:“我想在綜合考慮各種情況後,從國家利益的立場出發,在適當的時候做出決定。”
這是一個政治反應的問題。
安倍晉三會立即宣布抵制。
事實上,安倍批評岸田在 B.S. 上的優柔寡斷。日本電視台說,“購買時間有什麼好處(國家利益)?
或許是出於怨恨,12 月 14 日,三名自民黨議員訪問了首相辦公室,並向岸田遞交了一份呼籲進行外交抵制的聯合聲明。
他們是古屋敬二(日本維吾爾議會聯盟主席)、下村博文(西藏議會聯盟主席)和高一早苗(南蒙古議會聯盟主席)。
最終,岸田拜訪了安倍,並在安倍的勸說下決定不派遣政府官員。
當被記者問到這是否是外交抵制時,岸田回答說:“我不會用那種表達方式。”
迎合美國和中國的逃犯語言只會招來雙方的鄙視,沒有任何價值。
國會通過譴責習近平政權在新疆維吾爾自治區發生種族滅絕和其他侵犯人權行為的決議再次遭到新任秘書長茂木敏充的阻撓。
去年6月,前秘書長二階俊博和林元雄(副秘書長)拒絕了譴責中國的決議。不過,茂木敏充這次拒絕了,他說:“內容很好,但只是時間問題。
定時?現在是加入譴責此舉的歐洲和美國聲音的最佳時機。
辭去日中友好協商會議會長一職轉任外相的林義政是著名的親中人物。
他最近收到了中國外交部長王毅訪華的邀請,並面帶微笑宣布了這一消息。
日本的盟友美國國務卿布林肯如何看待這件事?
他會因為順序顛倒而生氣,而林也不是很體貼。
這一系列反應表明了岸田政府對中國的立場。
安倍遺產中最重要的部分是他對自由開放的印太地區的願景。
從那裡演變成QUAD,AUKUS和其他包圍中國的措施。
岸田政府讓安倍的遺產被擱置一旁。
正如有人曾經說過的,林義政是“你好”(你好),茂木敏充是“shay shay”(謝謝),岸田文雄是“wan shay”(萬歲)。
具有諷刺意味的是,親中國的三人組卻站在一起。
最初,岸田的高知海一夥親中國的人,其中最突出的是宮澤喜一。
當中國因天安門事件被制裁併與世界隔絕時,日本率先採取行動

制裁之後,宮澤內閣甚至拜訪了天皇,幫助中國重新加入國際社會。
中國做了什麼回報?
這是徹底的抗日教育,並聲稱擁有​​尖閣諸島。
Kiichi Miyazawa 是最愚蠢的人。
不禁想到岸田和林義正也繼承了高知海的DNA。
皇帝訪華的背後
久保
1992年10月明仁天皇訪華的計劃是在海復執掌的時候開始的,所以不僅僅是宮澤一個人的事。
據說,這個想法是由外相渡邊道夫發起的。
當時外務省的咄咄逼人的姿態,以及促成這件事的宮澤,他們只是在已經鋪設好的軌道上奔跑。
那麼開車的人是誰呢?
流行的理論似乎是,據傳竹下登和金丸信自去年年底以來一直是鄧小平的兒子、女兒和助手經常光顧的地方。
竹下作為首相訪華期間,提供了價值8100億日元的第三輪日元貸款。不過,當這筆貸款因天安門事件而被凍結時,他遊說外交部解除了貸款並成功了。
當時,據說他作為交易的手段,是配合第二次開福內閣改組。
不過,這種方法在宮澤執政期間也被多次使用。
簡而言之,天皇訪華是自民黨和商界的一張“王牌”,在尼克松-基辛格閃電戰中落後於美國和中國的日本已經從中吸取了教訓。通過鄧小平的“改革開放”進入廣闊的中國市場,經驗豐富,想跟上與歐美利益競爭的大巴。
歐洲和美國善於區分它們的含義和含義。雖然他們表面上譴責天安門廣場的抗議活動,但他們並不羞於以經濟方式進入中國。
另一方面,日本一直無法區分兩者,甚至到了目前抵制北京冬奧會的情況,單方面受到國際輿論的批評。

1970年代,朝日新聞發出了日中友好的重大號召。整個國家都對恢復中日外交關係感到興奮。
田中角榮利用這一點,上台統治了後來的清和會,包括岸信介和福田武雄,他們認為必須照顧好台灣。
我是文順的記者,當時朝日刊發了日中友好的大號,日中友好協商會議的成員也乘機。我寫了一篇嚴厲批評他們的文章,我被田川誠一、古井吉美等朝日的議員告上法庭。
審判以膠著告終,但以角榮為首的大多數與中國調情的日本政客都失去了立場。
岸田和其他三人組也應該小心。

反正他們也不想討論。
久保
另一個問題是,即使在政府上任三個月後,日本和美國領導人也沒有與拜登進行面對面的會談。
難怪拜登和拜登在外交抵制這樣簡單的事情上都無法達成一致,而林義政這樣的人則表現出日本有自己的立場。
順便說一句,岸田正在談論修改憲法,但我不知道他對此有多認真。

談修憲是安倍在總統選舉中獲得支持的條件。所以他不得不說些什麼。
然而,僅僅通過說“說出來”來激勵呢?
久保
這是他們在下議院選舉中承諾的最後一件事。
它在選舉中基本上被忽視了,反對黨也沒有參與討論。
換句話說,執政黨已經進入了反對黨的圈子。
不能這樣做,因為反對派不會討論它只是一個藉口。

日本立憲民主黨要求優先討論公投廣告規制問題。
原因是,一旦發生宣傳戰,政治補貼最多的一方會佔據優勢。
但這只是破壞辯論的另一個藉口。
修憲之爭若向前推進,終將變成逐條討論。
當這種情況發生時,反對黨很可能會分裂和分崩離析。
這就是為什麼他們試圖通過破壞辯論來推遲辯論。
簡而言之,他們不想繼續辯論。
那是他們真正的意圖

選項。
所以久保醬是對的。如果岸田真的打算修改憲法,他不應該爬到反對派的圈子里和他們角力,而是在自己的圈子里和自己角力。
久保
甚至自民黨內部也有一些勢力不願討論這個問題。
另一方面,有些人對安倍的修憲計劃不冷不熱,提出了原則性和激進的修正案,不太可能獲得廣泛的支持,但這也令人懷疑。
這也是可疑的,因為他們同樣因推遲討論而感到內疚;石破茂有些疑惑。
根據馬克斯·韋伯的感覺(信念)心理學,激進的倡導似乎是積極主動的。儘管如此,它們有時只是殺死賬單的一種便捷方式。
本文繼續。

筒見行
1961年畢業於東京大學法學部。
同年,他加入了文藝春州。歷任《文藝春秋》主編,首任編輯部主任,後任出版部總經理。他在擔任董事總經理後從公司退休。他是幾本書的作者,其中包括“昭和時代的三大偉人:憲法的九條是拯救國家的伎倆。他以在該雜誌上連載的“編輯的奧德賽”而聞名。
久保越
1940年出生,中央大學畢業後加入產經新聞。他曾在政治科學系任職,並擔任編輯和特別編輯委員會成員。他於 2004 年離開了報紙。
著有《田中角榮和他的學生們》(Bungeishunju)和《擾亂世界》(Fusosha)的作者。

 

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反正他们也不想讨论。

2022年02月02日 12時39分11秒 | 全般

以下是本期月刊《Hanada》中Gyo Tsutsumi和Koshi Kubo的连环对话。
我已经提到了,我终于找到了一个可以帮助我完成“文明转盘”项目的兼职学生。
巧合的是,Tsutsumi先生是我母校的学长,久保先生是兼职的上级。
正文中的重点是我的,除了标题。
问题在于中国的代理人公明党。
亲华三人组的“活动”
久保
年末年初不走路,腿脚都软了。我在这里勉强能做到(笑)。

当我看到拜登走路的视频时,他抬高了膝盖。
我的妻子告诉我,他这样做是为了弥补他腿和脚的弱点。
我们在家里称之为“拜登步行”。
这就像迈克尔杰克逊的月球漫步,但与拜登一起。
鱼从头开始腐烂,但人从脚开始腐烂。我也不走路,所以我开始生锈了(笑)。
编辑
北京冬奥会临近,但日本政府毕竟决定不派出任何政府官员,包括内阁成员和政府官员。
不过,他们将派出东京奥组委主席桥本圣子;日本奥委会主席山下康弘;日本残奥委员会主席森和之。
久保。
决定晚了,连桥本圣子都是政治家,所以也不是完全的政治抵制。
这是一个谨慎的、四等的、懦弱的决定。

最终,岸田决定不派任何政府官员,但导致这一决定的犹豫和犹豫是不合时宜的。
英国的约翰逊、澳大利亚的莫里森和加拿大的特鲁多迅速宣布外交抵制。
此外,立陶宛和新西兰也加入了批评中国侵犯人权的行列。
然而岸田继续犹豫不决,他说:“我想在综合考虑各种情况后,从国家利益的立场出发,在适当的时候做出决定。”
这是一个政治反应的问题。
安倍晋三会立即宣布抵制。
事实上,安倍批评岸田在 B.S. 上的优柔寡断。日本电视台说,“购买时间有什么好处(国家利益)?
或许是出于怨恨,12 月 14 日,三名自民党议员访问了首相办公室,并向岸田递交了一份呼吁进行外交抵制的联合声明。
他们是古屋敬二(日本维吾尔议会联盟主席)、下村博文(西藏议会联盟主席)和高一早苗(南蒙古议会联盟主席)。
最终,岸田拜访了安倍,并在安倍的劝说下决定不派遣政府官员。
当被记者问到这是否是外交抵制时,岸田回答说:“我不会用那种表达方式。”
迎合美国和中国的逃犯语言只会招来双方的鄙视,没有任何价值。
国会通过谴责习近平政权在新疆维吾尔自治区发生种族灭绝和其他侵犯人权行为的决议再次遭到新任秘书长茂木敏充的阻挠。
去年6月,前秘书长二阶俊博和林元雄(副秘书长)拒绝了谴责中国的决议。不过,茂木敏充这次拒绝了,他说:“内容很好,但只是时间问题。
定时?现在是加入谴责此举的欧洲和美国声音的最佳时机。
辞去日中友好协商会议会长一职转任外相的林义政是著名的亲中人物。
他最近收到了中国外交部长王毅访华的邀请,并面带微笑宣布了这一消息。
日本的盟友美国国务卿布林肯如何看待这件事?
他会因为顺序颠倒而生气,而林也不是很体贴。
这一系列反应表明了岸田政府对中国的立场。
安倍遗产中最重要的部分是他对自由开放的印太地区的愿景。
从那里演变成QUAD,AUKUS和其他包围中国的措施。
岸田政府让安倍的遗产被搁置一旁。
正如有人曾经说过的,林义政是“你好”(你好),茂木敏充是“shay shay”(谢谢),岸田文雄是“wan shay”(万岁)。
具有讽刺意味的是,亲中国的三人组却站在一起。
最初,岸田的高知海一伙亲中国的人,其中最突出的是宫泽喜一。
当中国因天安门事件被制裁并与世界隔绝时,日本率先采取行动

制裁之后,宫泽内阁甚至拜访了天皇,帮助中国重新加入国际社会。
中国做了什么回报?
这是彻底的抗日教育,并声称拥有尖阁诸岛。
Kiichi Miyazawa 是最愚蠢的人。
不禁想到岸田和林义正也继承了高知海的DNA。
皇帝访华的背后
久保
1992年10月明仁天皇访华的计划是在海复执掌的时候开始的,所以不仅仅是宫泽一个人的事。
据说,这个想法是由外相渡边道夫发起的。
当时外务省的咄咄逼人的姿态,以及促成这件事的宫泽,他们只是在已经铺设好的轨道上奔跑。
那么开车的人是谁呢?
流行的理论似乎是,据传竹下登和金丸信自去年年底以来一直是邓小平的儿子、女儿和助手经常光顾的地方。
竹下作为首相访华期间,提供了价值8100亿日元的第三轮日元贷款。不过,当这笔贷款因天安门事件而被冻结时,他游说外交部解除了贷款并成功了。
当时,据说他作为交易的手段,是配合第二次开福内阁改组。
不过,这种方法在宫泽执政期间也被多次使用。
简而言之,天皇访华是自民党和商界的一张“王牌”,在尼克松-基辛格闪电战中被甩在后面的日本与美国和中国靠得更近,从中吸取了教训。通过邓小平的“改革开放”进入广阔的中国市场,经验丰富,想跟上与欧美利益竞争的大巴。
欧洲和美国善于区分它们的含义和含义。虽然他们表面上谴责天安门广场的抗议活动,但他们并不羞于以经济方式进入中国。
另一方面,日本一直无法区分这两者,甚至到了目前抵制北京冬奥会的地步,单方面受到国际舆论的批评。

1970年代,朝日新闻发出了日中友好的重大号召。整个国家都对恢复中日外交关系感到兴奋。
田中角荣利用这一点,上台统治了后来的清和会,包括岸信介和福田武雄,他们认为必须照顾好台湾。
我是文顺的记者,当时朝日刊发了日中友好的大号,日中友好协商会议的成员也乘机。我写了一篇严厉批评他们的文章,我被田川诚一、古井吉美等朝日的议员告上法庭。
审判以胶着告终,但以角荣为首的大多数与中国调情的日本政客都失去了立场。
岸田和其他三人组也应该小心。

反正他们也不想讨论。
久保
另一个问题是,即使在政府上任三个月后,日本和美国领导人也没有与拜登进行面对面的会谈。
难怪拜登和拜登在外交抵制这样简单的事情上都无法达成一致,而林义政这样的人则表现出日本有自己的立场。
顺便说一句,岸田正在谈论修改宪法,但我不知道他对此有多认真。

谈修宪是安倍在总统选举中获得支持的条件。所以他不得不说些什么。
然而,仅仅通过说“说出来”来激励呢?
久保
这是他们在下议院选举中承诺的最后一件事。
它在选举中基本上被忽视了,反对党也没有参与讨论。
换句话说,执政党已经进入了反对党的圈子。
不能这样做,因为反对派不会讨论它只是一个借口。

日本立宪民主党要求优先讨论公投广告规制问题。
原因是,一旦发生宣传战,政治补贴最多的一方会占据优势。
但这只是破坏辩论的另一个借口。
修宪之争若向前推进,终将变成逐条讨论。
当这种情况发生时,反对党很可能会分裂和分崩离析。
这就是为什么他们试图通过破坏辩论来推迟辩论。
简而言之,他们不想继续辩论。
那是他们真正的意图

选项。
所以久保酱是对的。如果岸田真的打算修改宪法,他不应该爬到反对派的圈子里和他们角力,而是在自己的圈子里和自己角力。
久保
甚至自民党内部也有一些势力不愿讨论这个问题。
另一方面,有些人对安倍的修宪计划不冷不热,提出了原则性和激进的修正案,不太可能获得广泛的支持,但这也令人怀疑。
这也是可疑的,因为他们同样因推迟讨论而感到内疚;石破茂有些疑惑。
根据马克斯·韦伯的感觉(信念)心理学,激进的倡导似乎是积极主动的。尽管如此,它们有时只是杀死账单的一种便捷方式。
本文继续。

筒见行
1961年毕业于东京大学法学部。
同年,他加入了文艺春州。历任《文艺春秋》主编,首任编辑部主任,后任出版部总经理。他在担任董事总经理后从公司退休。他是几本书的作者,其中包括“昭和时代的三大伟人:宪法的九条是拯救国家的伎俩。他以在该杂志上连载的“编辑的奥德赛”而闻名。
久保越
1940年出生,中央大学毕业后加入产经新闻。他曾在政治科学系任职,并担任编辑和特别编辑委员会成员。他于 2004 年离开了报纸。
着有《田中角荣和他的学生们》(Bungeishunju)和《扰乱世界》(Fusosha)的作者。

 

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그들은 어쨌든 그것에 대해 논의하고 싶지 않습니다.

2022年02月02日 12時37分24秒 | 全般

다음은 월간 매거진 하나다(Hanada) 최신호에 실린 츠츠미 교와 쿠보 코시의 연속 대화 내용이다.
"문명의 턴테이블" 프로젝트를 도와줄 아르바이트생을 드디어 찾았다고 이미 말씀드린 바 있습니다.
공교롭게도 츠츠미 씨는 모교 선배이고 쿠보 씨는 알바 선배입니다.
본문에서 강조점은 헤드라인을 제외하고는 제 것입니다.
문제는 중국의 대리인인 공명당이다.
친중 3인방의 '활동'
쿠보
연말연시에는 걷지 않아 다리와 발이 완전히 쇠약해졌습니다. 겨우 여기까지 왔어요(웃음).
쓰츠미
바이든이 걷는 영상을 보면 필요 이상으로 무릎을 꿇는다.
제 아내는 다리와 발의 약점을 보완하기 위해 그렇게 한다고 말했습니다.
우리는 그것을 집에서 "바이든 워크"라고 부릅니다.
마이클 잭슨의 문워크와 비슷하지만 바이든이 있습니다.
물고기는 머리부터 썩지만 사람은 발부터 썩는다. 저도 걷지 않아서 녹슬기 시작해요(웃음).
편집자
베이징 동계올림픽이 다가오고 있지만 일본 정부는 결국 각료와 공무원을 비롯한 정부 관료를 파견하지 않기로 했다.
그러나 그들은 도쿄 올림픽 및 장애인 올림픽 조직위원회 회장인 Seiko Hashimoto를 보낼 것입니다. 일본 올림픽 위원회 회장 야마시타 야스히로(Yasuhiro Yamashita); 그리고 일본 패럴림픽 위원회 위원장인 Kazuyuki Mori.
쿠보.
결정이 늦었고 하시모토 세이코도 정치인이라 완전한 정치적 보이콧은 아니다.
그것은 신중하고 4급이며 비겁한 결정입니다.
쓰츠미
결국 기시다는 관료를 보내지 않기로 했지만, 그 결정에 이르게 된 망설임과 동요는 보기 흉했다.
영국 존슨, 호주 모리슨, 캐나다 트뤼도가 외교적 보이콧을 선언했다.
또한 리투아니아와 뉴질랜드도 중국의 인권침해에 대한 비판의 고리에 합류했다.
그러나 기시다 측은 "여러 사정을 종합적으로 고려한 후 국익의 관점에서 적절한 시기에 결정하고 싶다"고 머뭇거렸다.
그것은 정치적 반사의 문제입니다.
아베 신조는 즉각 보이콧을 선언했을 것이다.
실제로 아베는 BS에 대한 기시다의 우유부단함을 비판했다. Nippon Television은 "시간을 사는 것이 이익 (국익)이 무엇입니까?
12월 14일 자민당 의원 3명이 총리실을 방문해 외교적 보이콧을 촉구하는 공동 성명을 기시다에게 전달했다.
후루야 케이지(일본 위구르 의회 연합 회장), 시모무라 히로후미(티베트 의회 연합 회장), 다카이치 사나에(남몽골 의회 연합 회장)였습니다.
결국 기시다는 아베를 방문했고, 아베의 설득으로 관료를 파견하지 않기로 했다.
외교적 보이콧이냐는 기자의 질문에 기시다 씨는 "그런 표현은 안 쓰겠다"고 답했다.
미국과 중국을 노리는 도망자 언어는 양측의 모욕만 불러일으킬 뿐 아무런 가치가 없다.
시진핑 정권이 신장 위구르 자치구에서 발생한 집단 학살 및 기타 인권 침해를 규탄하는 국회 결의안 채택이 신임 사무총장인 모테기 도시미쓰에 의해 또다시 저지됐다.
중국을 규탄하는 결의안은 지난 6월 니카이 도시히로 전 사무총장과 하야시 모토오 사무차장에 의해 부결됐다. 그래도 모테기 도시미츠는 "내용은 좋은데 타이밍이 문제다.
타이밍? 지금이야말로 이러한 움직임을 규탄하는 유럽과 미국의 목소리에 동참할 가장 좋은 때입니다.
하야시 요시마사는 외무상이 되기 위해 일중우호협의회 의장직을 사임한 유명한 친중 인물이다.
그는 최근 왕이(王毅) 중국 외교부장으로부터 중국 방문 초청을 받고 웃는 얼굴로 알렸다.
일본의 동맹국인 미국의 블링켄 국무장관은 이를 어떻게 볼 것인가?
그는 순서가 역전되고 Hayashi가 그다지 사려 깊지 않은 것에 대해 화를 낼 것입니다.
이러한 일련의 대응은 중국에 대한 기시다 행정부의 입장을 보여줍니다.
아베의 유산 중 가장 중요한 부분은 자유롭고 개방된 인도-태평양에 대한 그의 비전입니다.
거기에서 QUAD, AUKUS 및 기타 중국 포위 조치로 진화했습니다.
기시다 정부는 아베의 유산을 방치하고 있습니다.
누군가가 말했듯이, Yoshimasa Hayashi는 "ni hao"(안녕하세요), Toshimitsu Motegi는 "shay shay"(고마워요), Fumio Kishida는 "wan shay"(만세)입니다.
아이러니하게도 친중 3인방이 함께 서 있다.
원래 기시다의 집단 고치회는 친중파로 가득 차 있었고 그 중 가장 두드러진 인물은 미야자와 기이치였다.
중국이 천안문 사태로 제재를 받고 세계로부터 고립되었을 때 일본이 주도했다.

제재 조치를 취했고 미야자와 내각은 중국이 국제 사회에 재가입하는 것을 돕기 위해 천황을 방문하기도 했습니다.
중국은 그 대가로 무엇을 했는가?
철저한 반일 교육과 센카쿠 열도의 영유권 주장이다.
미야자와 키이치는 궁극의 어리석음이었다.
키시다와 하야시 요시마사도 고치카이의 DNA를 물려받았다고 생각하지 않을 수 없습니다.
황제의 중국 방문 배경
쿠보
1992년 10월 아키히토 천황의 방중 계획은 카이후가 집권할 때부터 시작되었으므로 미야자와만의 문제가 아니었다.
이를 발의한 사람이 외무대신인 와타나베 미치오(渡辺道夫)였다고 한다.
당시 외무성의 공격적인 입장과 그것을 가능케 한 미야자와는 그저 깔린 난간 위를 달리고 있을 뿐이다.
그래서 그들을 몰고 간 사람은 누구였습니까?
타케시타 노보루와 신 가네마루는 지난해 말부터 덩샤오핑의 아들, 딸, 보좌관들이 자주 드나들었다는 설이 지배적이다.
다케시타 총리는 총리 재임 당시 중국을 방문했을 때 8100억엔 규모의 3차 엔화 차관을 제안했다. 그런데 천안문 사태로 대출이 동결되자 외무부에 로비를 해서 대출을 해제해 주었다.
당시 그가 거래 수단으로 사용한 것은 2차 가이후 내각 개편과의 협력이었다고 한다.
이 방법은 미야자와 정부에서도 여러 번 사용되었습니다.
요컨대 천황의 방중은 닉슨-키신저 공세에 뒤쳐져 미국과 중국에 가까워진 일본이 자민당과 재계에 '비장'이었다. 덩샤오핑(Deng Xiaoping)의 "개혁과 개방"을 통해 광대한 중국 시장에 진출했을 때 미국 및 유럽과 경쟁하는 이해관계의 버스를 따라가기를 원했습니다.
유럽과 미국은 그들이 의미하는 것과 그렇지 않은 것을 구별하는 데 능숙합니다. 표면적으로는 천안문 시위를 규탄하지만 경제적으로 중국에 진출하는 것을 부끄러워하지 않습니다.
한편 일본은 현재 베이징 동계올림픽 보이콧까지 그 둘을 구분하지 못하고 일방적으로 국제사회의 비판을 받아왔다.
쓰츠미
1970년대에 아사히 신문은 일본과 중국의 우호 관계를 크게 촉구했습니다. 일본과 중국의 수교 회복에 온 나라가 들떠 있었습니다.
다나카 가쿠에이는 이를 이용하여 기시 노부스케와 후쿠다 다케오를 비롯한 후기 세이와카이를 제압하여 대만을 돌봐야 한다고 믿었습니다.
나는 아사히가 일중 우호에 대한 큰 외침을 발표했을 때 Bunshun의 기자였으며 일중 우호 협의회 회원들이 그것을 이용했습니다. 그들을 혹독하게 비판하는 기사를 썼고, 타가와 세이이치, 후루이 요시미 등 아사히의 의원들에게 고소당해 법정에 섰다.
재판은 교착 상태로 끝났지만 가쿠에이를 시작으로 중국과 공모한 대부분의 일본 정치인들은 자리를 잃었다.
키시다와 다른 삼인조도 조심해야 한다.

그들은 어쨌든 그것에 대해 논의하고 싶지 않습니다.
쿠보
또 다른 문제는 행정부 출범 3개월 만에 바이든 전 부통령과 미·일 정상 간 만남이 없었다는 점이다.
바이든과 바이든이 외교적 보이콧 같은 단순한 문제에 대해 동의할 수 없고 하야시 요시마사와 같은 사람이 일본이 자신의 입장을 갖고 있다고 말하는 모습을 보일 때 바이든이 불신하는 것은 놀라운 일이 아닙니다.
그런데 기시다 씨가 개헌을 얘기하고 있는데 얼마나 진지한지 궁금합니다.
쓰츠미
개헌을 거론하는 것은 아베가 대선에서 지지를 얻기 위한 조건이었다. 그래서 그는 말을 해야 했다.
그러나 "그냥 말해"라고 말하는 것만으로도 동기 부여는 어떻습니까?
쿠보
그들이 참의원 선거에서 약속한 마지막 약속이었다.
선거에서 크게 무시되었고, 야당은 토론에 참여하지 않았습니다.
즉, 여당이 야당의 고리에 발을 들여놓은 것이다.
야당이 논의하지 않는 것은 핑계일 뿐이기 때문에 할 수 없다.
쓰츠미
일본 입헌민주당은 국민투표를 위한 광고 규제 논의를 우선시할 것을 요구했다.
홍보전이 벌어지면 정치자금이 가장 많은 정당이 유리하기 때문이다.
그러나 그것은 논쟁을 방해하는 또 다른 변명일 뿐입니다.
개헌 논의가 진행되면 결국 조별 토론이 될 것이다.
그렇게 되면 야당이 뿔뿔이 흩어질 가능성이 높다.
그렇기 때문에 토론을 방해함으로써 토론을 연기하려고 합니다.
요컨대, 그들은 토론을 진행하기를 원하지 않습니다.
그것이 그들의 진정한 의미입니다.

니션.
그래서 Kubo-chan이 맞습니다. 기시다가 정말로 헌법을 개정할 생각이라면, 그는 야당의 링에 올라 그들과 씨름하는 것이 아니라 자신의 링에서 자신과 씨름해야 합니다.
쿠보
자민당 내부에서도 이 문제를 논의하지 않으려는 세력이 있습니다.
한편 일각에서는 아베 총리의 수정안이 미지근하고, 폭넓은 지지를 받기 어려운 원칙적이고 과격한 수정안을 내놓는데 이것도 의심스럽다.
그들은 또한 토론을 연기한 것에 대해 똑같이 유죄이기 때문에 의심스럽습니다. 이시바 시게루는 의심스럽다.
Max Weber의 감정(신념) 심리학에 따르면 급진적 옹호는 능동적인 것처럼 보일 수 있습니다. 그럼에도 불구하고 그들은 때때로 법안을 없애는 편리한 방법입니다.
이 기사는 계속됩니다.

쓰츠미 교
1961년 도쿄대학 법학부 졸업.
같은 해 문예춘주에 입단. 문예춘주 편집장, 초대 편집국장, 그 후 출판 부문 총괄 책임자를 역임했습니다. 그는 전무를 역임한 후 회사에서 퇴직했습니다. 그는 "쇼와 삼대: 헌법 9조는 나라를 구하는 속임수였다."를 비롯한 여러 권의 책을 저술했다. 그는 이 잡지에 연재된 "편집자의 오디세이"로 유명하다.
쿠보 코시
1940년에 태어나 주오대학을 졸업하고 산케이신문에 입사했다. 정치학과에서 편집위원 및 특별 편집위원을 역임했습니다. 그는 2004년에 신문을 그만뒀다.
"다나카 가쿠에이와 그의 제자"(분게이슌주)와 "세상을 어지럽히는"(후소샤)의 저자.

 

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Они все равно не хотят это обсуждать.

2022年02月02日 12時35分44秒 | 全般

Далее следует серийный разговор между Гё Цуцуми и Коси Кубо в текущем выпуске ежемесячного журнала Hanada.
Я уже упоминал, что наконец-то нашел студента-заочника, который может помочь мне с проектом «Вертушка цивилизации».
Так совпало, что мистер Цуцуми — старший в моей альма-матер, а мистер Кубо — старший по совместительству.
Курсив в тексте мой, кроме заголовка.
Проблема в партии Комэй, доверенном лице Китая.
«Активность» прокитайской тройки
Кубо
В конце года и в новогодние праздники я не ходил, поэтому ноги совсем ослабли. Я едва успел сюда попасть (смеется).
Цуцуми
Когда я вижу видео, на котором Байден идет, он поднимает колени больше, чем нужно.
Моя жена сказала мне, что он делает это, чтобы компенсировать слабость ног и ступней.
Дома мы называем это «прогулкой Байдена».
Это как лунная походка Майкла Джексона, но с Байденом.
Рыбы гниют с головы, а люди гниют с ног. Я тоже не хожу, поэтому начинаю ржаветь (смеется).
редактор
Приближаются зимние Олимпийские игры в Пекине, но японское правительство решило, в конце концов, не присылать никаких правительственных чиновников, включая членов кабинета министров и правительственных чиновников.
Однако они отправят Сейко Хасимото, президента Токийского организационного комитета Олимпийских и Паралимпийских игр; Ясухиро Ямасита, президент Олимпийского комитета Японии; и Казуюки Мори, президент Паралимпийского комитета Японии.
Кубо.
Решение запоздало, и даже Сейко Хасимото политик, так что это не полный политический бойкот.
Это осторожное, трусливое решение четвертого класса.
Цуцуми
В конце концов Кисида решил не присылать никаких правительственных чиновников, но колебания и колебания, которые привели к этому решению, были неприличными.
Джонсон из Великобритании, Моррисон из Австралии и Трюдо из Канады быстро объявили дипломатический бойкот.
Кроме того, Литва и Новая Зеландия присоединились к кругу критики нарушений прав человека в Китае.
Тем не менее Кишида продолжает колебаться, говоря: «Я хотел бы принять решение в подходящее время с точки зрения национальных интересов после всестороннего рассмотрения различных обстоятельств».
Это вопрос политических рефлексов.
Синдзо Абэ немедленно объявил бы бойкот.
Фактически, Абэ раскритиковал нерешительность Кишиды в отношении Б.С. Nippon Television, заявив: «Какая польза (национальный интерес) в том, чтобы выиграть время?
Возможно, назло трое депутатов от ЛДП посетили 14 декабря канцелярию премьер-министра и вручили Кишиде совместное заявление с призывом к дипломатическому бойкоту.
Это были Кейджи Фуруя (президент Парламентского союза уйгуров Японии), Хирофуми Шимомура (президент Парламентского союза Тибета) и Санаэ Такаичи (президент Парламентского союза Южной Монголии).
В конце концов Кишида посетил Абэ и решил не отправлять правительственных чиновников по уговорам Абэ.
На вопрос репортера, был ли это дипломатический бойкот, Кишида ответил: «Я бы не стал использовать это выражение».
Беглый язык, который потворствует США и Китаю, вызывает только презрение с обеих сторон и не имеет никакой ценности.
Принятие парламентом резолюции, осуждающей геноцид и другие нарушения прав человека в Синьцзян-Уйгурском автономном районе режимом Си Цзиньпина, вновь было заблокировано новым генсеком Тошимицу Мотэги.
Резолюция, осуждающая Китай, была отвергнута в июне прошлого года бывшим генеральным секретарем Тосихиро Никаем и Мотоо Хаяси (заместителем генерального секретаря). Тем не менее, Тошимицу Мотэги на этот раз отклонил его, сказав: «Контент хорош, но это вопрос времени.
Сроки? Сейчас самое подходящее время присоединиться к голосам тех из Европы и Соединенных Штатов, которые осуждают этот шаг.
Ёсимаса Хаяси, который ушел с поста председателя Совета японо-китайской дружбы и стал министром иностранных дел, является известным прокитайским деятелем.
Недавно он получил приглашение от министра иностранных дел Китая Ван И посетить Китай и объявил об этом с улыбкой на лице.
Как к этому отнесется госсекретарь Блинкен, его коллега в союзнике Японии, Соединенных Штатах?
Он обидится, что порядок изменился, а Хаяши не очень внимателен.
Эта серия ответов демонстрирует позицию администрации Кисиды в отношении Китая.
Наиболее важной частью наследия Абэ является его видение свободного и открытого Индо-Тихоокеанского региона.
Оттуда он превратился в QUAD, AUKUS и другие меры по окружению Китая.
Администрация Кишиды позволяет наследию Абэ отойти на второй план.
Как кто-то однажды сказал, Ёсимаса Хаяси — это «ни хао» (привет), Тошимицу Мотэги — «шай шай» (спасибо), а Фумио Кисида — «ван шай» (ура).
По иронии судьбы, прокитайское трио стоит вместе.
Первоначально группа Кисиды, Кочи-Кай, состояла из прокитайских людей, самым известным из которых был Киити Миядзава.
Когда Китай подвергся санкциям за инцидент на площади Тяньаньмэнь и был изолирован от остального мира, Япония взяла на себя инициативу в жизни.

в связи с санкциями, и кабинет Миядзавы даже посетил императора, чтобы помочь Китаю воссоединиться с международным сообществом.
Что Китай сделал в ответ?
Это основательное антияпонское воспитание и претензия на владение островами Сэнкаку.
Киити Миядзава был в высшей степени глуп.
Я не могу не думать, что Кисида и Ёсимаса Хаяси также унаследовали ДНК Кочи-Кай.
За визитом императора в Китай
Кубо
План визита императора Акихито в Китай в октябре 1992 года начался, когда Кайфу был у власти, так что дело было не только в Миядзаве.
Говорили, что инициатором этой идеи был министр иностранных дел Мичио Ватанабэ.
Агрессивная позиция Министерства иностранных дел в то время и Миядзавы, который это сделал, они просто бегут по проложенным рельсам.
Так кто же был тем, кто их водил?
Преобладающая теория, по-видимому, состоит в том, что, по слухам, с конца прошлого года Нобору Такэсита и Канемару Шин посещали сыновья, дочери и помощники Дэн Сяопина.
Во время своего визита в Китай в качестве премьер-министра Такэсита предложил третий раунд кредитов в иенах на сумму 810 миллиардов иен. Тем не менее, когда этот кредит был заморожен из-за инцидента на площади Тяньаньмэнь, он лоббировал в Министерстве иностранных дел отмену кредита и добился этого.
В то время было сказано, что в качестве средства сделки он использовал свое сотрудничество со вторыми перестановками в кабинете Кайфу.
Однако этот метод также много раз использовался при администрации Миядзавы.
Короче говоря, визит императора в Китай был «козырем» для Либерально-демократической партии и деловых кругов, поскольку Япония, оставшаяся позади в блице Никсона-Киссинджера, чтобы сблизиться с США и Китаем, извлекла из этого урок. опыт и хотел не отставать от конкурирующих интересов с США и Европой, когда он вышел на обширный китайский рынок через «реформы и открытость» Дэн Сяопина.
Европа и Соединенные Штаты умеют различать, что они имеют в виду, а что нет. Хотя они якобы осуждают протесты на площади Тяньаньмэнь, они не стесняются входить в Китай экономически.
С другой стороны, Япония не могла провести различие между ними, даже до нынешнего бойкота зимних Олимпийских игр в Пекине, и в одностороннем порядке подвергалась критике со стороны международного сообщества.
Цуцуми
В 1970-х годах Асахи Симбун выступил с большим призывом к дружбе между Японией и Китаем. Вся страна была взволнована восстановлением дипломатических отношений между Японией и Китаем.
Какуэй Танака воспользовался этим и пришел к власти над более поздними Сэйва-кай, включая Нобусукэ Киши и Такео Фукуда, которые считали, что о Тайване нужно заботиться.
Я был репортером в Буншуне, когда Асахи выступил с большим призывом к дружбе между Японией и Китаем, и члены Совета японо-китайской дружбы воспользовались этим. Я написал статью с их резкой критикой, на меня подали в суд Сейичи Тагава, Ёсими Фуруи и другие члены совета от Асахи, и дело дошло до суда.
Суд закончился безрезультатно, но большинство японских политиков, заигрывавших с Китаем, начиная с Какуэя, потеряли свои позиции.
Кисида и еще трио тоже должны быть осторожны.

Они все равно не хотят это обсуждать.
Кубо
Еще одна проблема заключается в том, что очной встречи лидеров Японии и США с Байденом не было даже через три месяца после прихода администрации к власти.
Неудивительно, что Байден недоверчив, когда он и Байден не могут договориться даже о такой простой вещи, как дипломатический бойкот, и когда кто-то вроде Ёсимасы Хаяси делает вид, что заявляет, что у Японии есть собственная позиция.
Кстати, Кисида говорит о пересмотре Конституции, но интересно, насколько серьезно он к этому относится.
Цуцуми
Разговоры о пересмотре конституции были для Абэ условием получения поддержки на президентских выборах. Поэтому он должен был что-то сказать.
Однако как насчет мотивации, просто сказав «просто скажи это»?
Кубо
Это было последнее, что они обещали на выборах в нижнюю палату.
На выборах он в значительной степени игнорировался, а оппозиционные партии не участвовали в обсуждении.
Другими словами, правящая партия вступила в кольцо оппозиции.
Этого нельзя делать, потому что оппозиция не будет обсуждать это только предлог.
Цуцуми
Конституционно-демократическая партия Японии потребовала отдать приоритет дебатам о регулировании рекламы на референдуме.
Причина в том, что в случае публичной борьбы партия с наибольшим количеством политических субсидий будет иметь преимущество.
Но это еще один повод саботировать дебаты.
Если дискуссия о пересмотре Конституции сдвинется с мертвой точки, то в итоге она превратится в постатейную дискуссию.
Когда это произойдет, оппозиционные партии, скорее всего, разделятся и развалятся.
Вот почему они пытаются отсрочить дебаты, саботируя их.
Короче говоря, они не хотят продолжать дебаты.
Это их реальный интерес

нция
Так что Кубо-чан прав. Если Кисида действительно намерен пересматривать Конституцию, ему следует не лезть на ринг оппозиции и бороться с ними, а бороться с самим собой на своем ринге.
Кубо
Даже внутри ЛДП есть силы, которые предпочли бы не обсуждать этот вопрос.
С другой стороны, некоторые относятся к плану поправок Абэ прохладно и выступают с принципиальными и радикальными поправками, которые вряд ли получат поддержку широкого круга людей, но это тоже подозрительно.
Подозрительно еще и потому, что они в равной степени виновны в откладывании обсуждения; Сигеру Исиба подозрителен.
Основываясь на психологии чувств (верований) Макса Вебера, радикальная пропаганда может показаться активной. Тем не менее, иногда они просто удобный способ убить счет.
Эта статья продолжается.

Цуцуми Гё
В 1961 году окончил юридический факультет Токийского университета.
В том же году он присоединился к Bungeishunju. Работал главным редактором Bungeishunju, сначала редакционным директором, а затем генеральным директором издательского отдела. Он был уволен из компании после работы в качестве управляющего директора. Он является автором нескольких книг, в том числе «Три великих человека эпохи Сёва: девять статей Конституции были уловкой, чтобы спасти страну». Он известен сериалом «Одиссея редактора» в этом журнале.
Кубо Коши
Он родился в 1940 году и присоединился к Санкей Симбун после окончания Университета Тюо. Он работал в отделе политологии, а также в качестве члена редколлегии и особого редколлегии. Он покинул газету в 2004 году.
Автор книг «Какуэй Танака и его ученики» (Бунгейшундзю) и «Мир тревожный» (Фусоша).

 

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