Hou Hsiao-hsien's A City of Sadness, the first movie dealing with the events,

2-28 Incident in art

A number of artists in Taiwan have addressed the subject of the 2-28 Incident since the taboo was lifted on the subject in the early 1990s. The Incident has been the subject of music by Fan-Long Ko and Tyzen Hsiao and a number of literary works. Hou Hsiao-hsien's A City of Sadness, the first movie dealing with the events, won the Golden Lion at the 1989 Venice Film Festival. The 2009 thriller Formosa Betrayed also relates the incident as part of the motivation behind Taiwan independence activist characters. Taiwanese metal band Chthonic's album Mirror of Retribution also makes several lyrical references to the 228 massacre. Taiwanese-American Julie Wu's novel The Third Son describes the event and its aftermath from the viewpoint of a Taiwanese boy. Shawna Yang Ryan's forthcoming (in 2015) novel Green Island tells the story of the incident as it affects three generations of a Taiwanese family. In her novel, The 228 Legacy, author Jennifer J. Chow brings to light the emotional ramifications for those who lived through the events yet suppressed their knowledge out of fear.

Legacy

Legacy

For several decades, it was taboo to openly criticize the 228 Massacre Incident. The government hoped that the execution of Governor Chen Yi and financial compensation for the victims had quelled resentment. In the 1970s the 228 Justice and Peace Movement was initiated by several citizens' groups to ask for a reversal of this policy, and, in 1992, the Executive Yuan promulgated the "February 28 Incident Research Report."
Then-President and KMT-chairman Lee Teng-hui, who had participated in the incident and was arrested as an instigator and a Communist sympathizer made a formal apology on behalf of the government in 1995 and declared February 28 a day to commemorate the victims.
Among other memorials erected, Taipei New Park was renamed 228 Memorial Park.
Since the lifting of martial law in 1987, the government has set up the 228 Incident Memorial Foundation, a civilian reparations fund supported by public donations for the victims and their families. Many descendants of victims remain unaware that their family members were victims, while many of the families of victims from Mainland China did not know the details of their relatives mistreatment during the riot.[citation needed] Those who have received compensation more than two times are still demanding a trial of the names of the living soldiers who were responsible for death of their loved ones.
Prior to the 228 massacre, many Taiwanese hoped for a greater autonomy from China. The failure of conclusive dialogue with the ROC administration in early March, combined with the feelings of betrayal felt towards the government and China in general are widely believed to have catalyzed today's Taiwan independence movement and subsequently Taiwan Name Rectification Campaign after democratization.
Few today hope for the eventual unification of Taiwan to China.

On February 28, 2004, thousands of Taiwanese participated in the 228 Hand-in-Hand Rally. They formed a 500-kilometer (310 mi) long human chain, from Taiwan's northernmost city to its southern tip, to commemorate the 228 Incident, to call for peace, and to protest the People's Republic of China's deployment of missiles aimed at Taiwan along the coast of Taiwan Strait.
In 2006, the Research Report on Responsibility for the 228 Massacre was released after several years of research. The 2006 report was not intended to overlap with the prior (1992) 228 Massacre Research Report commissioned by the Executive Yuan. Chiang Kai-shek is specifically named as bearing the largest responsibility in the 2006 report.

Outside of Taipei, it was less peaceful.

Uprising and crackdown

On the evening of February 27, 1947, a Tobacco Monopoly Bureau enforcement team in Taipei went to the district of Taiheichō (太平町), Twatutia (present-day Nanjing West Road), where they confiscated contraband cigarettes from a 40-year-old widow named Lin Jiang-mai (林江邁) at the Tianma Tea House. When she demanded their return, one of the men holding a gun hit Lin's head with a pistol, prompting the surrounding Taiwanese crowd to challenge the Tobacco Monopoly agents. As they fled, one agent shot his gun into the crowd, killing one bystander who lunged at him. The crowd, which had already been harboring many feelings of frustration from unemployment, inflation and corruption of the Nationalist government, reached its breaking point. The crowd protested to both the police and the gendarmes, but was mostly ignored.
Violence flared the following morning on February 28. Security forces at the Governor-General's Office tried to disperse the crowd. Some fired on the protesters who were calling for the arrest and trial of the agents involved in the previous day's shooting, resulting in several deaths. Formosans took over the administration of the town and military bases on March 4 and forced their way into local radio station to protest. By evening, martial law had been declared and curfews were enforced by the arrest or shooting of anyone who violated curfew.

For several weeks after the February 28 Incident, the Taiwanese civilians controlled much of Taiwan. The initial riots were spontaneous and somewhat violent. Within a few days the Taiwanese were generally coordinated and organized, and public order in Taiwanese-held areas was upheld by volunteer civilians organized by students, and unemployed former Japanese army soldiers. Local leaders formed a Settlement Committee, which presented the government with a list of 32 Demands for reform of the provincial administration. They demanded, among other things, greater autonomy, free elections, surrender of the ROC Army to the Settlement Committee, and an end to governmental corruption. Motivations among the various Taiwanese groups varied; some demanded greater autonomy within the ROC, while others wanted UN trusteeship or full independence. The Taiwanese also demanded representation in the forthcoming peace treaty negotiations with Japan, hoping to secure a plebiscite to determine the island's political future.
Outside of Taipei, it was less peaceful. Mainland Chinese also experienced violence. Public places like banks and post offices were looted. Some had to flee for Military Police protection. A few smaller groups formed, including the Communist-inspired "27 Brigade" (二七部隊). They looted 3 machine guns, 300 rifles, and hand grenades from military arsenals in Taichung and Pingtung. The armed Taiwanese shot or injured ~200 Nationalist Army soldiers which quickly precipitated the house arrest or execution of those who participated in the rebellion.
The Nationalist Government under Chen Yi stalled for time while assembling a large military force in Fujian. Upon arrival on March 8, the ROC troops launched a crackdown. The New York Times reported, "An American who had just arrived in China from Taihoku said that troops from the mainland [China] arrived there on March 7 and indulged in three days of indiscriminate killing and looting. For a time everyone seen on the streets was shot at, homes were broken into and occupants killed. In the poorer sections the streets were said to have been littered with dead. There were instances of beheadings and mutilation of bodies, and women were raped, the American said."

were more favorable than perceptions in other parts of East and South East Asia.

Background

During the 50 years of Japanese rule in Taiwan (1895–1945), Japan developed Taiwan's economy and raised the standard of living for most Taiwanese people, building up Taiwan as a supply base for the Japanese main islands. Consequently, Taiwanese perceptions of the Japanese rule were more favorable than perceptions in other parts of East and South East Asia. Taiwanese adopted Japanese names and practiced Shinto, while the schools instilled a sense of "Japanese spirit" in students. By the time World War II began, many Taiwanese were proficient in both the Taiwanese language, a derivative of the Hokkien language which originated in Fujian province, and Japanese.
After World War II, Taiwan was placed under the administrative control of the Republic of China to provide stability until a permanent arrangement could be made. Chen Yi, the Governor-General of Taiwan, arrived on October 24, 1945, and received the last Japanese governor, Ando Rikichi, who signed the document of surrender on the next day. Chen Yi then proclaimed the day as Retrocession Day to make Taiwan part of the Republic of China, although there were questions about the legality of doing so.
The Kuomintang (KMT) troops from Mainland China were initially welcomed by local inhabitants, but their behavior and the KMT administration led to Taiwanese discontent during the immediate postwar period. As Governor-General, Chen Yi took over and sustained the Japanese system of state monopolies in tobacco, sugar, camphor, tea, paper, chemicals, petroleum refining, mining and cement. He confiscated some 500 Japanese-owned factories and mines, and homes of former Japanese residents. Economic mismanagement led to a large black market, runaway inflation and food shortages. Many commodities were compulsorily bought cheaply by the KMT administration and shipped to Mainland China to meet the Civil War shortages where they were sold at very high profit furthering the general shortage of goods in Taiwan. The price of rice rose to 100 times its original value between the time the Chinese took over to the spring of 1946. It inflated further to 400 times the original price by January 1947. Carpetbaggers from Mainland China dominated nearly all industry, political and judicial offices, displacing the Taiwanese who were formerly employed; and many of the ROC garrison troops were highly undisciplined, looting, stealing and contributing to the overall breakdown of infrastructure and public services.

Many Taiwanese view the Japanese rule favorably, both then and now. Many Taiwanese had served in the colonial administration and Imperial Japanese Army. Because the Taiwanese elites had met with some success with self-government under Japanese rule, they had expected the same system from the incoming ruling Chinese government. However, the Chinese Nationalists opted for a different route, aiming for the centralization of government powers and a reduction in local authority. The KMT's nation-building efforts went this way because of unpleasant experiences with the centrifugal forces during the Warlord Era in 1916-1928 that had torn the government in China. The different goals of the Chinese Nationalists and the Taiwanese, coupled with cultural and language misunderstandings served to further inflame tensions on both sides.

 

the 228 Incident by the Kuomintang (KMT)

228 Incident

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The 228 Massacre, 2/28 Massacre, also called the 228 Incident by the Kuomintang (KMT), or 2/28 for short, was an anti-government uprising in Taiwan. It began on February 27, 1947, and was violently suppressed by the KMT-led Republic of China government, who killed thousands of civilians beginning on February 28. Estimates of the number of deaths vary from 10,000 to 30,000 or more. The massacre marked the beginning of the Kuomintang's White Terror period in Taiwan, in which thousands more inhabitants vanished, died, or were imprisoned. This incident is one of the most important events in Taiwan's modern history, and is a critical impetus for the Taiwanese independence movement.

In 1945, 50 years of Japanese rule of Taiwan ended when Japan lost World War II. In October, the United States, on behalf of the Allied Forces, handed temporary administrative control of Taiwan to the Kuomintang-administered Republic of China (ROC) under General Order No. 1 to handle the surrender of Japanese troops and ruling administration. Local inhabitants became resentful of what they perceived as high-handed and frequently corrupt KMT authorities inclined to the arbitrary seizure of private property and economic mismanagement. The flashpoint came on February 27 in Taipei, when a dispute between a cigarette vendor and an officer of the Office of Monopoly triggered civil disorder and an open rebellion that lasted for days. The uprising was violently put down by the military of the Republic of China and the island was placed under martial law.

The subject was officially taboo for decades. On the anniversary of the event in 1995, President Lee Teng-hui addressed the subject publicly, a first for a Taiwanese head of state. The event is now openly discussed and February 28 is commemorated as Peace Memorial Day (traditional Chinese: 和平紀念日; simplified Chinese: 和平纪念日; pinyin: hépíng jìniànrì ), and details of the event have become the subject of government and historian investigation. Every February 28, the president of the ROC gathers with other officials to ring a commemorative bell in memory of the victims. The president bows to family members of 2/28 victims and gives each one a certificate officially exonerating any victims previously blacklisted as enemies of the state. Monuments and memorial parks to the victims of 2/28 have been erected in a number of Taiwanese cities, including Kaohsiung and Taipei. Taipei's former "Taipei New Park" was rededicated as 228 Peace Memorial Park and houses the National 228 Memorial Museum to commemorate the tragic incident, which opened on February 28, 1997, and re-opened on February 28, 2011, with new permanent exhibits.

 

1989年に公開された侯孝賢監督の映画『悲情城市』は

その後

事件後、関係者の多くは処刑されるか身を隠すか、あるいは海外逃亡を企てた。

後に中華民国総統を務めた李登輝は留学経験者という知識分子であったため処刑を恐れて知人宅に潜伏し、ほとぼりの冷めるのをまった。外国人初の直木賞受賞作家であり実業家の邱永漢は学生運動のリーダーであったが、当局の眼を掻い潜って出航。香港を経由して日本に逃亡した。亡命者の中には反国民党を掲げたものもあったが、当時は東西冷戦の時代であり、反国民党＝親共産党とみなされて、日米ではその主張は理解されなかった。

事件収束後も、長らく国民党は知識分子や左翼分子を徹底的に弾圧した（白色テロ）ため、この事件については、長らく公に発言することはタブーとなっていた。

しかし時が経つにつれ、これを話題にすることができる状況も生まれてくる。当初、国民党は台湾人に高等教育を与えると反乱の元になる、と考えていたが、経済建設を進めるに当たって専門家の必要性が明白となり、方針を転換して大学の建設を認めた。

これによって台湾人の教育レベルが上がり、政治意識も向上。その結果、1970年代には美麗島事件、中壢事件などの民主化運動が頻発し、国民党もこれを無視できなくなった。

また、台湾統治が長期化するにつれ、国民党政府が次第に台湾人を登用入党させたため、台湾人は党および政府の権力を漸進的に掌握するようになった。特に、1988年に李登輝が本省人として初の総統に就任して以降は、本格的な民主化時代がはじまり、事件について語ることが「解禁」された。

1989年に公開された侯孝賢監督の映画『悲情城市』は二・二八事件を直接的に描いた初めての劇映画であった。この映画がヴェネツィア国際映画祭で金賞を受賞し、二・二八事件は世界的に知られる事となった。

事件当時の証言や告発をする動きもみられるようになり、政府に対する反逆として定義されていた二・二八事件も、現在は自由と民主主義を求める国民的な抵抗運動として公式に再評価されるに至った。台北市には記念公園・資料館が建てられ、被害者を偲んでいる。

なお、二・二八事件については、当時台湾共産党が中国共産党の指令を受けて、国民党政権を倒すべく民衆の蜂起を煽ったとの説もあるが、これに対し、それは蒋介石が台湾人を虐殺するための言い訳だったという反論もある。

事件の分析
国民党がなぜ、このような過酷な手段を採ったのかについては議論があるが、一つには彼らが大陸時代に行った、統治方法をそのまま台湾でも採用した、ということが考えられる。国民党政治の基本は軍隊や暗殺団を利用した恐怖政治であり、従わないものは徹底的に弾圧するものだった。その傾向は抗日戦や内戦によって拍車がかけられ、1947年当時にはピークに達していたと考えられる。

また彼らはこの蜂起の背後に中国共産党が糸を引いていたのではないかと疑心暗鬼に陥っており、その疑いは事件後の知識人層への徹底弾圧になって現れる。当時、知識人には共産党シンパが多かったからである（陳水扁もマルクス主義を研究したために逮捕された経験があり、李登輝も一時期マルクス主義に傾倒していた）。

一方、台湾人は大日本帝国統治下の法治政治に慣れ、それを当然のものと考えていた為、警官や軍隊が群集を無差別に虐殺する事態を想定してはいなかったようである。そのため陳儀が対話姿勢を見せるとそれに応じ、彼に時間稼ぎの余裕を与えることとなった。

The people all over the world in addition to most Japanese,

Ang Lee became opportunity and I knew the following fact for the first time.

The people all over the world in addition to most Japanese, too, will be the fact to know for the first time.

228 Incident

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The emphasis of doing the becoming in the text of the black is me.

二・二八事件（にいにいはちじけん）は、1947年2月28日に台湾の台北市で発生し、その後台湾全土に広がった、当時はまだ日本国籍を有していた本省人（台湾人）と外省人（在台中国人）との大規模な抗争。

1947年2月27日、台北市で闇菸草を販売していた本省人女性に対し、取締の役人が暴行を加える事件が起きた。これが発端となって、翌2月28日には本省人による市庁舎への抗議デモが行われた。しかし、憲兵隊がこれに発砲、抗争はたちまち台湾全土に広がることとなった。本省人は多くの地域で一時実権を掌握したが、国民党政府は大陸から援軍を派遣し、武力によりこれを徹底的に鎮圧した。

二・二八事件（にいにいはちじけん）は、1947年2月28日に台湾の台北市で発生し、その後台湾全土に広がった、当時はまだ日本国籍を有していた本省人（台湾人）と外省人（在台中国人）との大規模な抗争。

1947年2月27日、台北市で闇菸草を販売していた本省人女性に対し、取締の役人が暴行を加える事件が起きた。これが発端となって、翌2月28日には本省人による市庁舎への抗議デモが行われた。しかし、憲兵隊がこれに発砲、抗争はたちまち台湾全土に広がることとなった。本省人は多くの地域で一時実権を掌握したが、国民党政府は大陸から援軍を派遣し、武力によりこれを徹底的に鎮圧した。

背景

1945年に日本が敗戦した後の台湾には、連合国軍の委託を受けて日本軍の武装解除を行うために大陸から蒋介石率いる中国国民党政府の官僚や軍人が進駐し行政を引き継いだ。

当初、少なからぬ本省人が台湾の「祖国復帰」を喜び、中国大陸から来た国民党政府の官僚や軍人らを港で歓迎したが、やがて彼らの腐敗の凄まじさに驚き、失望した。大陸から来た軍人・官僚は国共内戦の影響で（精鋭と呼べる人材は大陸の前線に送られており）質が悪く、強姦・強盗・殺人を犯す者も多かったが、犯人が罰せられぬことがしばしばあり、もし罰せられる場合でも、犯人の省籍をマスコミ等で報じることは厳しく禁じられた。また、台湾の資材が中国人官僚らによって接収・横領され、上海の国際市場で競売にかけられるに到り、台湾の物価は高騰、インフレによって企業の倒産が相次ぎ、失業も深刻化した。

不正の少なかった日本の統治を体験した台湾人にとって、治安の悪化や役人の著しい腐敗は到底受け入れがたいものであった。人々の不満は、いやが上にも高まっていった。当時の台湾人たちは、「犬去りて、豚来たる（中国語：狗去豬來）」（意味：犬〔日本人〕はうるさくても役に立つが、豚〔国民党〕はただ貪り食うのみ）と揶揄した。

経緯

1947年2月27日、台北市で闇菸草を販売していた女性（林江邁、40歳、2人の子持ち寡婦）を、中華民国の官憲（台湾専売局台北支局密売取締員6名と警察官4名）が摘発した。女性は土下座して許しを懇願したが、取締官は女性を銃剣の柄で殴打し、商品および所持金を没収したのである。

戦後の台湾では、日本統治時代の専売制度を引き継ぎ酒・菸草・砂糖・塩等は全て中華民国によって専売となっていた。しかし、大陸ではタバコは自由販売が許されていたため、多くの台湾人がこの措置を差別的と考え、不満を持っていた。タバコ売りの女性に同情して、多くの台湾人が集まった。すると取締官は今度は民衆に発砲、まったく無関係な台湾人（陳文渓）を射殺し、逃亡した。

この事件をきっかけとし、中華民国への怒りが遂に爆発した。翌28日には抗議のデモ隊が市庁舎へ大挙して押しかけた。しかし、中華民国側は強硬姿勢を崩さず、憲兵隊は市庁舎の屋上に機関銃を据えて、非武装のデモ隊へ向けて無差別に掃射を行う。多くの市民が殺害され、傷を負った。この後、国府軍は台北以外の各地でも台湾人への無差別発砲や処刑を行っている。

本省人側は国民政府に占拠されている諸施設へ大規模な抗議行動を展開。日本語や台湾語で話しかけ、答えられない者を外省人と認めると暴行するなどの反抗手段を行った。台湾住民の中には日本語が話せない部族もいたが、「君が代」は国歌として全ての台湾人が歌えたため、本省人たちは全台湾人共通の合言葉として「君が代」を歌い、歌えない者（外省人）を排除しつつ行進した。また、本省人側はラジオ放送局を占拠。軍艦マーチと共に日本語で「台湾人よ立ち上がれ！」と呼びかけた。

劣勢を悟った中華民国の長官府は、一時本省人側に対して対話の姿勢を示した。しかし、在台湾行政長官兼警備総司令陳儀は、大陸の国民党政府に密かに援軍を要請した。彼は「政治的な野望を持っている台湾人が大台湾主義を唱え、台湾人による台湾自治を訴えている」「台湾人が反乱を起こした」「組織的な反乱」「独立を企てた反逆行為」「奸黨亂徒に対し、武力をもって殲滅すべし」との電報を蒋介石に送っている。

蒋介石は陳儀の書簡の内容を鵜呑みにし、翌月、第21師団と憲兵隊を大陸から援軍として派遣した。これと連動して、陳儀の部隊も一斉に反撃を開始した。裁判官・医師・役人をはじめ日本統治時代に高等教育を受けたエリート層が次々と逮捕・投獄・拷問され、その多くは殺害された。また、国民党軍の一部は一般市民にも無差別的な発砲を行っている。基隆では街頭にて検問所を設け、市民に対し、北京語を上手く話せない本省人を全て逮捕し、針金を本省人の手に刺し込んで縛って束ね、「粽（チマキ）」と称し、トラックに載せ、そのまま基隆港に投げ込んだという。台湾籍の旧日本軍人や学生の一部は、旧日本軍の軍服や装備を身に付けて、国府軍部隊を迎え撃ち、善戦した（「独立自衛隊」、「学生隊」等）。しかし、最後はこれらも制圧され、台湾全土が国府軍の支配下に収まるのである。

この事件によって、約28,000人もの本省人が殺害・処刑され、彼らの財産や研究成果の多くが接収されたと言われている。実際の被害者の数はさらに多いとの説が今尚根強く存在しており、正確な犠牲者数を確定しようとする試みは、いまも政府・民間双方の間で行なわれている。

事件の際発令された戒厳令は40年後の1987年まで継続し、白色テロと呼ばれる恐怖政治によって、多くの台湾人が投獄、処刑されてきた。また、内外の批判によって国民党政府が漸く戒厳令を解除した後も、国家安全法によって言論の自由が制限されていた。今日の台湾に近い形の「民主化」が実現するのは、李登輝総統が1992年に刑法を改正し、言論の自由が認められてからのことである。

以下続く。

 

 

At the same time, it neatly saw for the first time the movie which he supervises.

The other day, I saw the movie for the first time it was recording, "The Wedding Banquet" which Ang Lee supervised.

At the same time, it neatly saw for the first time the movie which he supervises.

It thought that it was genuine oh in the moment to have seen.

Isn't he seeing the movie of Youji Yamada in Japan and so on, too, and it is, there was a scene to make think of, too.

Ang Lee
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Ang Lee OBS (Chinese: 李安; pinyin: Lǐ Ān; born October 23, 1954) is a Taiwanese-born film director, screenwriter and producer working in America.

Lee's earlier films, such as The Wedding Banquet, Pushing Hands, and Eat Drink Man Woman explored the relationships and conflicts between tradition and modernity, Eastern and Western. Lee also deals with repressed, hidden emotions in many of his films, including Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon; Hulk; and Brokeback Mountain. Lee's insight into the human heart has allowed his films to transcend cultural and linguistic barriers to speak to audiences all over the world.

Lee has won the Academy Award for Best Director twice, first for Brokeback Mountain (2005) and most recently for Life of Pi (2012). He also won the Academy Award for Best Foreign Language Film for Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon (2000). He is the first person of Asian descent to win an Oscar, Golden Globe, and BAFTA for Best Director, and is the only director to win both the Golden Bear and Golden Lion multiple times.

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To put it very briefly, dictator in order to deflect criticism of their own, stir up hatred

For example, into the staff of New York Times, it has the anti- Japanese view which doesn't change at all with the newspaper in Korea which continues to educate a fascism for the people by the name of the anti-Japanese education which Ri Seung-man began to sanction himself, and It is like a staff in Asahi Shimbunf, or doesn't change at all with the newspaper of the Communist Party party dictatorship in China and the staff who writes an editorial like their spokesman just like.

Keenly, I think that the world is dangerous really.

What is the fascism?

To put it very briefly, dictator in order to deflect criticism of their own, stir up hatred against other countries and other people, that is to continue to take the policy that arouse the hatred for others.

In other words, Korea is the country of the fascism.

China is the party autarchic of the Communist Party but the people don't seem to be Korean people.

Because the Korean people got such education in 70 after the war since Ri Seung-man, then, again, is it which was a dependency more than 1000 years to China, because of the history?

They are subordinative, it will be possible to say that it is the turning-over of an inferiority complex because of it, too, but it is the hysterical people.

Most of the Chinese cover the hat of the name, the Communist Party, only.
Being yearly in hundreds, it is dominated by the different ethnic groups, the dynasty takes the place of and each time, the previous dynasty person concerned will be because the massacred Chinese who has the history of the long repeat is an individualism very much actually if it says paradoxically.

As for most of the Japanese, it isn't having hatred and so on to the Chinese.
But we cannot forgive the mind to the Chinese Communist Party, and we just cannot possibly be or recognized.
The politician of the part in the U.S. and the editorialist of New York Times don't find such a simple thing.