The following is from a regular column by Yoshiko Sakurai that appeared on the front page of today's Sankei Shimbun.
This article also proves that she is a national treasure, a supreme national treasure defined by Saicho.
(Emphasis in the text, except for the headline, is mine.
No respite from Mr. Kishida's pledge to make constitutional amendments
Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) President Fumio Kishida, elected prime minister on Oct. 4, said that he would seek constitutional amendments during his term.
Kishida has also declared that Japan may have the capability to maintain an enemy base attack capability to stop ballistic missiles targeting Japan within its territory as a deterrent.
Considering the tradition of the Kōchikai (Kishida faction), the section from which Mr. Kishida hails, of leaning toward a non-military approach, his declaration of resolve is significant.
With the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, the international security system is shifting toward a coalition of nations that includes Japan.
However, Japan continues to confine the Self-Defense Forces within the framework of the Police Law and does not allow them to operate as a regular army.
It is unsustainable for Japan.
Mr. Kishida's pledge to revise the Constitution is not a moment too soon.
The responsibility for Japan's dire straits rests with the entire Japanese people. Still, the Kōchikai tradition originated with former Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida, and the Kōchikai politicians are to blame.
Eiichi Tatsumi, a former lieutenant general in the army who served as Yoshida's personal military advisor, often advised Yoshida on the need for rearmament and constitutional reform.
When the National Police Reserve was established and recruited former military personnel, he tried especially hard to persuade him when the Self-Defense Forces Law was passed.
Mr. Tatsumi's argument that it must amend Article 9 of the Constitution now that the Self-Defense Forces have been given the task of defending the nation makes sense.
However, Mr. Yoshida, who insists on a non-military approach, refused to listen and forcefully argued that this was an "army without war potential.
"With the Constitution of Japan, which stipulates that Japan will not retain any military force, in mind, he developed a quibble to separate the Self-Defense Forces, which should be regarded as the national army, from the military.
Mr.Tadae Takubo, professor emeritus at Kyorin University, points out that at that time, Mr. Yoshida placed a moratorium on Japan's defense capability, on constitutional reform, and on the values and ethics that should underlie the nation's existence.
In November 1964, Mr. Yoshida bowed to Mr. Tatsumi, saying that he deeply regretted not listening to his advice after his retirement.
However, it did not apply Mr. Yoshida's remorse after that.
The next prime minister from Kōchikai who followed Mr. Yoshida was Hayato Ikeda.
It is unlike former Prime Minister Nobusuke Kishi, who failed to revise the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty and then to amend the Constitution, Ikeda specialized in economic policy.
On a visit to Europe in 1962, Ikeda told Masaya Ito, who was close to him and served as his secretary to the prime minister.
"I wish Japan had military power. If Japan had military power, my words would probably be ten times as strong as today's." (Hayato Ikeda, Masaya Ito, Jiji Press)
Mr. Ikeda compared Japan's denial of military power to that of a "eunuch.
Mr. Ito argues that it is a value peculiar to Japan that equates a commitment to democracy with the elimination of military power and that "Japanese people are close to morons when it comes to defense issues."
In the end, however, both Mr. Yoshida and Mr. Ikeda, while recognizing the national necessity of maintaining military power, failed to reflect this universal principle of the international community in their national politics.
It is Mr. Kishida's responsibility as the representative of Kōchikai to correct this double standard. Is Mr. Kishida even aware of this?
Since mid-September, North Korea has been launching new missiles, including hypersonic missiles that neither Japan nor the United States can intercept.
China has been flying dozens of fighter jets across the Taiwan Strait every day to show its firm stance against Taiwan and the pro-Taiwan policy of Japan and the United States.
Many of Taiwan's national interests overlap with those of our own.
At the Japan-U.S. summit in April and the G7 summit in June, the importance of peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait was confirmed as a standard outline of the liberal camp.
Strengthening cooperation with the United States and building a stronger deterrent is essential to get through this tense situation by addressing the Chinese threat without it leading to conflict.
This effort should also pave the way for Japan to become a legitimate independent nation.
What Mr. Kishida needs to do is to make a significant shift from the Kōchikai way of thinking, which avoids military affairs.
Kōchikai begins with self-denial that sees all of Japan's actions in the Greater East Asia War as evil, sinks into a mindset that denies Japan, and hates building Japan's military power.
It is time to change this way of thinking. It is time for Japan to believe in itself and strengthen its military cooperation with the United States.
The U.S. has made it clear that the U.S. alone cannot face the threat of China, and it is now seeking the cooperation of its allies.
The U.S. military strategy is being rapidly realigned for the new situation. What should be watched closely is its strategy of maritime oppression.
The strategy is for the Marines and the Army to hold the line inside the first island chain and the Navy and Air Force to attack the Chinese Navy from far outside and push it back.
The Nansei Islands, which make up the first island chain, are Japanese territory. It is natural to cooperate with U.S. forces there.
If the U.S. military were to propose the deployment of medium-range missiles on the first island chain, Kishida said, "We would not deny it at all. I appreciate this.
However, if the possibility of bringing nuclear weapons into the country arises, Mr. Kishida denied that the three non-nuclear principles of "not possessing, not producing, and not allowing the introduction of nuclear weapons" cannot be changed.
The deployment of medium-range missiles, of course, and nuclear missiles would be essential for Japan's defense.
As long as both North Korea and China possess nuclear weapons and their missiles are within our country's range, Japan's rejection of U.S. nuclear weapons will not serve as a deterrent.
After Yoshida and Ikeda, Kōchikai produced Kiichi Miyazawa, Yohei Kono, and Koichi Kato.
In addition to absurdly and dishonorably undermining Japan's national interests through the comfort women issue and textbook problems, they have also turned their backs on constitutional reform.
It seems that they have no doubts about relying on other countries for national defense.
Mr. Kishida, standing on a series of promises, has a responsibility to change his sense of values and his view of security, which is the source of his political power.
He has also pledged to maintain the nuclear fuel cycle and nuclear power generation for the stable supply of energy, which is the bedrock of the nation's power and ensures steady succession to the throne through the male line.
The people have not forgotten these promises.
In order to achieve this, in addition to the ability to listen, the ability to make decisions and execute is necessary.
